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Diet Influencer Is Calling Out Paid Influencer Bot Following

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From Diet Prada to Diet Sabya – calling out mediocrity on web is totally IN. Diet Influencer who credits their inspiration to Diet Sabya, is calling out the fake paid bot following scams of Indian influencers in general. Several noob influencers pop out every new day with five digit pre-paid bot following. Several established influencers are buying four-five digit bot following in matter of few weeks. The ugly truth attached to those numbers is pretty much lying on the surface, waiting to be uncovered.

 

Few years ago, I had exposed fake 100K following of a Delhi blogger with numbers, screenshots and detailed statistical analysis. I’ve exposed plagiarism of top fashion designers like Diet Prada or Diet Sabya is doing now in the early years of my blogging. I openly tweeted how Elle India’s condescending article targeting Diet Sabya was an act of cowardice given they otherwise promote those gandi copycats. Much recently, I’ve even called out the neo-elitist attitudes at NIFT. I stirred up the hornet’s nest without concealing my identity and that approach came at a cost. Exposing copy cat designs on India’s top runway platforms, calling out the bot following of a POPxo approved fake superstar influencer, bluffing the Elle story targeting Diet Sabya (instead of gandi copycats,) and writing in detail on NIFT’s elitist Dronacharyas – these stories were met with polarising views – it was received with either absolute support or absolute disapproval – nowhere in-between. In response to such articles, I’ve had an army of fake profiles flocking on my blog to discuss my skin tone, appearance, and even race. On the other had, I’ve had bloggers & journalists supporting me.  Apart from those who participated in the conversation, there was another large section who silently but very carefully followed up on these stories but neither clapped nor slapped. By calling out these names in open (and not anonymously), you face ostracism from within the fashion industry which is pretty much controlled by many undeserving products of nepotism – it gets that simple.

 

Tujhe naam banana to yeh sab likh, long run mein survive karna hai toh diplomatic ban” said a beloved well-wisher. Translation: “What you’re writing will give an identity but to survive on long run, you’ll have to be diplomatic.” What they said was absolutely true in current scenario. We’ve normalised mediocrity to such an extent that calling out mediocrity itself is more offensive than the act of mediocrity to the mediocre people controlled by other mediocre people occupying positions of power through sheer means of mediocrity. In contrast, writing anonymously gives you immunity from such powerful mediocrities. Despite being rated among top Indian fashion bloggers or in spite of receiving some of the highest fashion blog traffic figures in India few years ago, I knew very well that I cannot continue very long as a full-time fashion blogger while I keep writing these articles in open. As per the plans, I’ve transitioned from being a fashion blogger to fashion designer. I’ve even deleted most of the old articles which no longer aligns with the theme, tone, and tenor of this website which has evolved over the years. In case you still didn’t realise, commercial fashion blogging is clearly on death bed. In past few years, influencers have exactly done to fashion bloggers what fashion bloggers did to the readership of print magazines. But those were times when celebrities still didn’t fully take charge on Instagram. It’s only a matter of time that celebs take away the larger chunk of commercial deals from the influencers, unless the influencer has already worked their way to celebrity stardom.

 

Many genuine influencers are losing out on money because random profiles are throwing up 100K+ bot following. Today, influencer marketing is designed such that profile with 100K following, genuine or fake, takes the money whereas profiles with 30K following even if genuine are often limited to barter deals with no commercials involved. WTF! There are more fads than trends in fashion at this hour. At least as of now, the influencer marketing scene is putting up the exact same trends as fashion blogging scenes did a few years ago. It’s only matter of time that next big fad consumes the influencer marketing platform. I was always more of a blogger than a social media influencer. I am simply not a social media person. With money on the influencer table, I am happy that fashion blogging is slowly going back to what it was once upon a time – genuine views unaltered by paid advertising.

 

On the other hand, I am happy that Diet Sabya and Diet Influencer are actually doing what was long due. Diet Sabya or Diet Influencer may not always be right. Their language is probably overtly offensive to some sensitive souls out there (who somehow aren’t irked by the gandi copycats or no-influence influencers). But if the so called fashion editorial pioneers, marketing pundits, and related agencies did their job well, we’ll never have required Diet Sabya or Diet Influencer having to do their homework!

 

On that note, few of my fashion illustrations were featured as part of Independent Fashion Bloggers community Links a la Mode round up. View all the top links below:

Fall is in full effect. Seriously, can you believe we’re in bootie season? Us neither. And so we’re soaking in all the advice from transitioning wardrobes to the best teas for your bodies. You’ll find yourself rejuvenated by the think pieces and all around style.

Links à la Mode, Sept 27th, 2018

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Gender Neutrality of Traditional Thamizh Clothing

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Did you know that Thamizh men and women dressed alike than different for most part of the clothing history? In association with Vitamin Stree, I illustrated three examples of gender fluid costume culture that was prevalent in ancient and medieval Thamizhagam. Read up for insights into the gender neutral fashion history of the Thamizh Culture.

 

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The oldest surviving Thamizh texts composed almost 2500 years ago feature several women poets. Socio-cultural pursuits weren’t just limited to men. Much like the social roles, the costumes of Thamizh men and women didn’t vary much even up to late medieval period. Sandal wood paste was among the earliest cosmetic used by every sex in ancient Thamizh society. Men and women would also decorate their hair with flowers and use natural fragrance. Stretched earlobe piercing was a major gender neutral fashion trend especially in the kingdoms of Cholas and Pandyas. Pearl necklaces were another hot fashion trend for several centuries, worn by Thamizh people regardless of gender identities.

 

 

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Much like clothing, the norms of nudity itself didn’t vary between sexes in Thamizh history. While elite women started covering their upper body with sari-drape in Northern India by late ancient period, it was an acceptable norm to leave the upper-body uncovered regardless of sex even up till the early modern history of Thamizh Nadu. Men and women dressed alike and they shared a mutual love for jewellery. Although jewellery was largely worn by every sex throughout the history of Indian subcontinent, anklets were a unique gender neutral trend in Thamizh Nadu. From the Mauryan sculptures of Sanchi and Barhut to the Satvahana arts of Amaravati and Ajanta, it is only women who are decked with anklets. However Thamizh arts depict even men wearing leg ornaments.

 

 

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Gender-neutral clothing wasn’t just a norm for royals in Thamizh history but applied even to the lower caste sections. Even up till the late medieval era, people covered themselves in modest animal skins, leaves, and jewellery made of sea shells and clay – however, nothing was exclusively “menswear” or “womenswear”. Men and women shared similar clothing norms and worked together in paddy fields and other social spheres.

 

Links à la Mode, November 8th, 2018

With the temperature rapidly cooling down, who’s finding themselves more prone to pressing “snooze” on their alarm clock morning after morning? Same! We can relate, which is why we are thankful for this week’s posts focusing on productivity, good habits and of course, good fashion. Take a look!

 

SPONSOR: Amazon’s Shopbop
What Goes Around Comes Around, APL Sneakers, MOTHER Denim, LeSportsac, Nanushka, Peony Swimwear, Mini Dresses, Puffer Jackets, Designer Wallets, Men’s Shoe The Bear

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Athleisure Kurta – Upcycle Old Clothes

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Athleisure Kurta by Purushu Arie | Photo: Rajesh Thanikachalam | Location: Thirsty Crow, Chennai

 

Used clothes taking up space in your drawer don’t always remain in donation worthy condition. Given the amount of resources it takes to make the clothes, it is unwise to throw them away too. Colour blocking is a cool way to upcycle old clothes and breathe in freshness to your wardrobe. Mismatching two or more used clothes can reconstruct a whole new colour blocked style. Cutting used clothes and stitching it with components of other old clothes – it’s something I did a lot ever since I learned tailoring in fashion school. Our used clothes carry our personality, character and memories – thereby making it more interesting to carry forward the old clothes onto newer styles.

CREATIVITY IS MAKING MARVELLOUS OUT OF DISCARDED.

purushu arie upcycled gender neutral green kurta

 

This gender neutral button-down green kurta was among the last samples I carried from my Beyond Binary collection. I upcylced the kurta by panelling it with used lime green tshirt to reconstruct a whole new Athleisure Kurta. It’s probably to do with the football World Cup. Spain, Portugal and a long list of four to six other teams I supported have all been knocked out. Regardless of the shockers, football world cup has made this summer lit af. Football has managed to bring together people and cultures in a world where international political diplomacy is rapidly degrading. Athleisure trend continues to roar this summer on backdrop of FIFA world cup. The word Athleisure has not only made it into dictionary but even on to the street hoardings of Bangalore and Chennai. Athleisure trend has managed to bridge sportswear with casual and formal wear, thereby providing immense freedom and versatility in dressing for our fast multi-faceted lives. Athleisure has successfully combined fitness, urban lifestyle needs and fashion trends into one complete lifestyle solution. Athleisure trend has found the patronage of both fashion and sports industry. FIFA world cup only seems to amplify the influence of athleisure fashion in our everyday lives. Athleisure is totally here to stay for now.

 

The green Athleisure Kurta is teamed with colour blocked trousers – made from used grey and green pants. The entire look comprising of grey, olive and lime green, displays an array of greens in harmony. Green stands for naturalist ethos – the need to reduce, reuse and recycle. Upcycling old clothes helps us to re-discover the foundations of nature and serenity. Green explores the notions of celebrating what’s natural.

 

Shop: Gender Neutral Athleisure Kurta
Left: Purushu Arie, photo by Rajesh Thanikachalam
Right: Anjana Jayaprakash, photo by Sneha Nair

 

In a pride flag, green denotes an individual’s natural choice of sexuality.

 

All images the above images were shot by Rajesh Thanikachalam (assisted by Thivakar) in solidarity with 2018 Pride Month featuring Chennai Fashion Bloggers (from left to right) Shiny, Shwetha, Neena, Purushu and Pavithra.

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2019 – Are Indian Men Ready To Wear Gender Neutral Fashion?

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Prior to 2015, you were more likely to hear about androgynous fashion than gender neutral fashion in India. Androgynous gender expression sits right in centre of a spectrum described as masculine and feminine on polar opposites. Androgynous clothing was largely pictured as cross dressing where women slipped into mens suits on ramps and men wore ladies sweaters to corporate Fridays. Unlike gender-binary notions of “unisex” or “androgyny”, fashion’s gender neutral revolution of 2015 challenged the very gender tags attached to a particular style. Gender neutrality looked beyond binary to recognise gender non-binary.

GENDER NEUTRALITY TAKES OVER INDIAN FASHION

When it comes to forecasting the fashion trends of India, the last decade has shown a clear pattern where Western trends take roughly up to a year to three – to be manufactured locally, and for the trends to trickle down in ramps. It may take more time for all that jazz to be marketed, and further trickle down to masses. In 2016, Ranveer Singh wore septum ring and pussy bow blouse on L’Officiel cover – most powerful gender fluid statement from a male celebrity in India yet.

By 2017, gender fluidity was buzzing hot on desi Instagram. By 2018, gender neutral statements were omnipresent on runways. And in that backdrop of events, I even got an opportunity to discuss my journey towards gender neutral fashion at TEDxChennai.

INDIAN MEN AREN’T READY TO WEAR DRESSES, NOT YET!

Bummer! Even among the women, not every Indian is comfortable in Western silhouettes like bifurcated jeggings or corset gowns. What works in homogeneous Western cultures need not necessarily work in heterogeneous Indian society. Gender neutrality is otherwise inherent in DNA of familiar mens styles like kurta pajama.

Pushkar Vaze (@thefashionpush)

“When it comes to traditional outfits, Indian men and women share kurtas, lungis and dhotis with ease. They are comfortable in bright, draped shawls, and they even wear embroidered mojaris. As a culture, we’re also used to seeing men wear pearls and jewels for weddings. Western men would normally shy away from even a brooch, forget a necklace.” – Wendell Rodricks

Indian subcontinent has a rich history of silhouettes, jewellery, grooming, and makeup that are largely gender neutral. Most draped silhouettes that Indians wore prior to colonial period were chiefly gender neutral in nature. Think dhoti pants, think cowl kurta – worn with headgears, brooch and statement accessories. Shantanu & Nikhil menswear. Wendell Rodricks lungis. TarunTahiliani drapes. Kallol Dutta, Antar Agni and Arjun Saluja are few other names that immediately pops in my head. India has a far richer gender neutral clothing history than Western world, and it’s very important on a cultural scale to build upon the indigenous elements of gender neutrality.

WHAT IF INDIAN FASHION TRENDS TRICKLE UP THAN JUST TRICKLE DOWN?

Designers who skip fashion history books and jump straight into trend books are more like those doctors who never attended medical school and yet, diagnose you Googling symptoms. The formula so far has been – wrap elitist cultural values with Western influences and you get what’s marketed as fashion in India. The design direction for Athleisure fiasco in Indian fashion was such that not only the silhouettes were directly borrowed from trend books of West but interpretations remained largely elitist too. Despite trending for more than half a decade, Indian version of athleisure or modest fashion often ignored the Real_MVP… The most popular leisurewear garments of the subcontinent – lungi & nighties! What if the mass costume culture trickles up to influence high fashion trends to question status quo? That direction takes you beyond the controlled imaginations of elitism. Will ruffled dresses become a societal normalcy for Indian men in 2019? No sure if we’re there yet, but an effective route to destruct gender constructs is to reconstruct the inherent gender neutrality of known silhouettes.

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Lungi Breaking Off Chains

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Influence of Caste System in Clothing – Ancient India

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EARLIEST MIGRATIONS TO INDIA

Most studies point out that modern Homo Sapiens developed in Africa some 200,000 years ago. Dating the earliest human migration to Indian mainland remains a matter of dispute but the most significant Indo-African resettlements took place around 70,000 years ago.

While archaeological evidence indicates inhabitation in Andaman Islands for more than 2200 years, genetic and cultural studies suggest the Andaman natives – Australoid-Malanesian settlers may have been isolated from other populations during the Middle Paleolithic era up to even 26,000 years ago!

Photo: Maurice Vidal Portman (1861-1935) – Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford

“An early (staged) photograph to show Great Andamanese women (and the odd male) with a wide variety of hairstyles and body painting patterns. Clearly visible are only the wide variety of hair cuts. Notable also on the extreme left and right two women with bands for carrying infants. The people to the left of the centre pole are said to be showing body paint signifying mourning, those on the right celebratory paint. The girl, second from the right, in the middle row is said to be painted in red ochre as a sign for rejoicing.” – Citation from Clothes, Clay and Beautycare (of Great Andamanese people), by George Weber

Palaeolithic Indians worshipped idols and deities, sacred status of animals including cows, peacocks, cobras, elephants, and plants like pipal, thulasi, and neem. The aboriginal people of India traditionally lived a hunter-gatherer lifestyle, and mostly wore little (or no) clothing, usually made of animal skin and vegetation. Ancient Indian aborigines much like other Negrito, Australoid & Mongoloid natives wore elaborate jewellery in form of stones, animal claws, feathers etc.

INDUS VALLEY CIVILIZATION (3300–1500 BCE)

The Neolithic age marks the onset of urban Indus Valley Civilisation – one of the earliest sites with evidence of farming and herding in South Asia, which also meant access to fibres like cotton, flax, and linen. Archaeological remains of silk fibres from Harappan sites suggest people used silk textiles. Indus valley figurines wear elaborate jewellery including necklaces, anklets, earrings, and bangles in stone, terracotta, gold, copper/bronze. Bead jewellery was popularly traded in this era. An Indus Valley female skeleton on display at the National Museum, New Delhi, wears a bangle on left hand. People covered their lower body with a short rectangular wrap tied with waist bands/belts. Figurines of this era also feature intricately detailed hairstyles and headgear, including flower decorations and a female in a turban. Men left their hair long, at times tied into buns. Nudity was a natural and acceptable notion in Indus Valley. While Varna system itself didn’t exist in Harappa-Mohenjo Daro cultures, it’s noteworthy that the priest-king figurine is more decorative than other figurines which are chiefly unclothed. Clothing was clearly established as a medium to express social status.

Many linguists in particular propose that Adi Dravida or  Ancient Dravidians were spread throughout the Indian subcontinent before the influx of Indo-Aryan languages. Some historians alternatively hypothesise that Indus people along with migrants from Steppe grasslands form ANI (Ancestral North Indians) whereas Indus Valley people who moved South and mixed with hunter-gatherers make up ASI (Ancestral South Indians).

AUSTRO-ASIATIC & SINO-TIBETIAN

Late Neolithic period sees the fall of Indus Valley Civilisation and migrations of Austro-Asiatic populations in North Eastern India till around first millennium BCE. Crossovers in ethnicity and language are observed by studying ethnic origins and linguistic affiliations, for example, Nicobarese considered to be Mongoloid speak Austro-Asiatic language, and among Bhils, Gonds and Oraon Adivasis classified as Australoid groups, Bhil tribe speak Indo-European languages whereas Gondi and Oraon speak Dravidian languages.

The decline of Indus Valley Civilisation is followed with agrarian Indo-Aryan nomadic settlements in North-Western India referred as Arya Varna in Vedas. The religion & language of Vedic people had strong traces of Indo-Iranian cultures, especially in cases of Vedic Sanskrit’s relations with Avesta, and Soma cult and fire worship, both of which are preserved in Zoroastrianism. The Vedic religion comprises of Vedic Samhitas, Brahmanas, Aranyakas and early Upanishads.

VEDIC PERIOD (1500-600 BCE)

The first literary trace of the word “Shudra” is found in Rig Veda.

11. When they divided Purusa how many portions did they make?
What do they call his mouth, his arms? What do they call his thighs and feet?
12. The Brahman was his mouth, of both his arms was the Rajanya made.
His thighs became the Vaishya, from his feet the Shudra was produced.

– Rig Veda 10.90.11–12

Note: The term Varna in Vedas may refer to any of colour, outward appearance, tribe, race, or classification, whereas it refers to profession based social hierarchy characterised by hereditary, purity of bloodline, social ostracism, and untouchability  in Dharmashastras like Manusmriti which were written in later period.

Rig Veda structures a two-fold Varna system on basis of tribe and lineage  – Arya Varna and Dasa Varna. Vedic nomads, culturally and genetically different from Indus valley people regarded themselves as Arya and the non-Vedic indigenous people were labelled Dasa or Dasyu – translates to barbarians, demons or slave in Vedic hymns depending on contexts of usage. Rigveda describes the echos of the fight between Arya and non-Arya. The Aryans, who were superior in Iron-technology, defeated the indigenous settlers who still used copper. Several Rigveda hymns glorify white skinned Aryans defeating dark skinned Dasyus. Krishnam Vacham [Black skin: Vedic Sanskrit] was written off as impious.

“The mighty Thunderer with his fair-complexioned friends won the land, the sunlight, and the waters.”
– Rigveda, Book 1, Indra 100.18

“Indra in battles help his Āryan worshipper, he who hath hundred helps at hand in every fray, in frays that win the light of heaven.
Plaguing the lawless he gave up to Manu’s seed the black skin;”
-Rigveda, Book 1, Indra 130.8

Amar Chitra Katha depicting Aryan Indra fighting a dark-skinned mustached Dasyu – on back of a fair skinned elephant. Note: This image is a contemporary portrayal and Vedic people didn’t wear silk brocades. Silks gain prominence only after 1st century BCE.

While Rig Veda sanctions purity of fair-skinned lineage, later Vedic texts relate the notion of purity through hierarchy decided by profession. Evidence of clothing in this era comes only in form of Vedic knowledge which was verbally transferred to pupils by Brahmin teachers. Vedic people did not sew their clothes. Clothing was chiefly minimal and draped, however description of rich ornaments and jewellery are mentioned.

Some translations of references of clothing items in Rig Veda include:

  1. Adhivastra – Veil
  2. Kurlra – head-dress or head-ornaments
  3. Andpratidhi – (any) covering of body

Atarva Veda also mentions:

  1. Nivi – Innerwear
  2. Vavri – covering of body
  3. Upavasana – Veil
  4. Kumba, Usnlsa, Trilta – Head-dress
  5. Updnaha – Footwear
  6. Kambla – Blanket

BRAHMINISM (c. 600–200 BCE)

Rig Vedic Varna system of Arya and Dasa is replaced with four-fold Verna system on basis of labour in this period. The Brahmin priesthood and Kshatriya aristocracy dominated the Arya commoners (now called Vaishyas) and the Dasa labourers (now called Shudras). By late Vedic period, the Brahmin literature subjected Shudras to social ostracism for being guilty of sins committed in a previous life and they could expect rebirth into one of the “pure” upper-caste by submitting themselves as the slaves of top three Verna hierarchies, thereby marking the onset of the longest surviving apartheid in world history – the Brahminical caste system comprising of Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya, Shudra and Avarna/Outcaste (in order of hierarchy.)

 

By late Vedic period, Brahminism is practiced in significant portion of Northern India. Mahajanapadas arise from late Rigvedic kingdoms by 600-500 BCE. Some renowned in this period of Sanskritisation of India included Nanda Empire, Magadha, Pauravas, and Taxila. The later Vedic literature refers to the three broad divisions – Brahmavarta or Aryavarta, Madhyadesha (central & Deccan), and Dakshinapatha (Southern). Post-Vedic text Aitereya Brahmana and Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana make references to Vidharba, leading to the belief that it’s the first known Indo-Aryan province in South of Vindhya mountains. Ramayana mentions Dandakaranya, indicating the Southern region of Vindhyas, as a home to many deadly creatures and demons. The migrations and settlements towards eastern and southern parts of India also leads to mixture of various groups – Indo-Aryans, Indo-Dravidians, Pre-Dravidas of Negrito and proto-Austroloids origins, Austro-Asiatic, and Sino-Tibetians.

 

BUDDHISM & JAINISM

Mahavira (c. 549–477 BCE) and Buddha (c. 563-483 BCE), challenge the orthodoxy of Brahminism, and rejected Brahminical rituals as well as the Varna system, thereby leading to the rise of two new religions Jainism and Buddhism.

 

MAURYAN EMPIRE – (300 BCE – 187 BCE)

Chandragupta Maurya establishes Mauryan Empire by overthrowing Nanda Empire with assistance of Chanakya. Megasthenes, the Greek diplomat upon his visit to India writes that there are no slaves in Mauryan empire. This could be a possible reference to ancient European style commercial slaves, since Arthashastra of this era otherwise mention slaves. Chanakya’s Arthashastra is probably among the first of shastras to provide some kind of rights to Dasas, the antithesis of Aryas.

Employing a slave (dasa) to carry the dead or to sweep ordure, urine or the leavings of food; keeping a slave naked; hurting or abusing him; or violating the chastity of a female slave shall cause the forfeiture of the value paid for him or her. Violation of the chastity shall at once earn their liberty for them.

— Arthashastra, Translated by Shamasastry

A slave (dasa) shall be entitled to enjoy not only whatever he has earned without prejudice to his master’s work, but also the inheritance he has received from his father.

— Arthashastra, Translated by Shamasastry

A Mauryan statue depicting mauli (turban), kayabandh and loin cloth worn with coiled earrings.

Clothing in Mauryan era was primarily unstitched and comprised of two pieces. There’s no evidence of single long garment draped on both upper and lower body like the modern sari. The loin cloth worn in Vedic period was continued to be worn in this period. The Greek influence during the Mauryan era also contributes a new breast-covering garment – Pratidhi.

Mauryan Womens Costumes:
Uttariya: Upper cloth of printed cotton worn crosswise on the head.
Kayabandh: Embroidered flat cloth band, pattika style, worn in a looped knot with fringed ends.
Mekhala: Six-stringed hip belt of gold or silver beads.
Lambanam: long necklace made of chains held at intervals by flat bands, phalakahara style.
Kantha: Short necklace of five strings of beads in gold or silver.
Karnika: Trumpet-shaped earrings.
Kangan: Ten bracelets adorning each hand.
Baju Band: Decorative armlets worn on upper arms.
Kara: Anklets of twisted wire worn on both ankles.
Sitara: Star shaped forehead ornament of gold or silver with a stamped pattern.

Mauryan Mens Costumes:
Antariya: Kachcha style, both equal ends being taken between the legs after knotting the front; these ends are then held diagonally, fluted and tucked into the waist at the back to hang between the legs up to the ground
Uttariya: upavita fashion, worn across the chest and over the left shoulder
Kayalbandh: muraja style, drum-headed knobs at the ends, tied in a looped knot
Baju Band: armlets with elaborate incised pattern
Kangan: several bracelets on each wrist
Karnika: trumpet-shaped earring or karnaphul
Mauli: turban of printed cloth held by decorative bands wound over the top knot of hair and at the side of the head

Mauryan Warrior Costume:
Antariya: knee-length, worn in kachcha style with fluted end tucked in at centre front
Tunic : one of the earliest depictions of the cut and sewn garment; it has short sleeves and a round neck, full front opening with ties at the neck and waist, and is hip length
Boots : fitting to the knees Head band: tied at the back over short hair
A broad flat sword with cross straps on the sheath is suspended from the left shoulder.

Mauryan empire reached its prime at a time when Ashoka conquered (almost) entire India and converted to Buddhism after the Kalinga war in 236 CE. Chandragupta Maurya embraced Jainism after retiring. Buddhism becomes the Ashokan state religion. Vedic gods steadily lose relevance without patronage of the state in this period whereas the message of Buddha reaches offshore.

 

FALL OF MAURYAN EMPIRE & BRAHMIN COUNTER REVOLUTION – 187 BC

Pushyamitra, a Brahmin Mauryan general assassinates the last Mauryan Emperor Brihadratha Maurya to establish Shunga empire whose inscriptions would reach as far as Ayodhya. Pushyamitra orchestrated a remarkable Brahminical counter revolution by reestablishing the four-fold Varna system and animal sacrifice Yajnas prohibited by Ashoka. Pushyamitra not only revived Brahminical supremacy but also cruelly persecuted Buddhists. Vibhasa, a 2nd century Buddhist text, states that Pushyamitra burned Buddhist scriptures, killed Buddhist monks, and destroyed 500 monasteries in and around Kashmir.

Compilation of Ramayana and Mahabharata (as Itihasa/history) begins in this period with royal patronage. Brahmins also responded with Dharmashastras (including Manusmriti) in this period to reclaim the authority of Vedas. Most of the basic ideas and practices of arising classical Brahminism will derive from the new Smriti literature.

 

SHUDRAS IN MANUSMRITI

“A Brahmana may confidently seize the goods of (his) Sudra (slave); for, as that (slave) can have no property, his master may take his possessions.” – Manusmriti 8.417

“Brahman men can marry Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaish and even Shudra women but Shudra men can marry only Shudra women.” – Manusmriti 3.12

“In case a Brahman man marries Shudra woman, their son will be called ‘Parshav’ or ‘Shudra’ because his social existence is like a dead body.” – Manusmriti 9.178

“Sudras who live according to the law, shall each month shave (their heads).” (Manusmriti 5.140)

Royal couple in Shunga period 100 BCE – The clothing of this period (along with Gupta costumes) is somewhat standardised in large-scale in depiction of Puranic gods.

EARLY PURANIC BRAHMINISM – (250 CE – 500 CE)

Compilation of Ramayana and Mahabharata is completed in this period. Puranas narrate the interactions of Vedic gods with people and demons. Early Puranas were written in retaliation to popularity of Buddhism, with intent to reach out to the masses including tribals through simple story telling. The Dharmashastra (treaties of Dharma) compiled in this period however orders the Vedic knowledge to be exclusively retained only within upper-caste community members, who will be allowed to marry only within upper-caste community.

 

KUSHANA EMPIRE (30 CE – 375CE)

The Kushanas bring in multicultural influences of Scythian, Hellenistic and Greek to Indian subcontinent. A headless statue of the Kushan Emperor Kanishka found in Bactria near Afghanistan shows him dressed in trousers, boots, tunics and overcoat. One of the most important costume development in this period was a rectangular cloth garment draped over both lower body and upper body – the sari drape, likely Roman influenced. Trade with China was directly established through silk route, providing access to exotic silks in colours of blues, gold, bronze, green, crimson, pink, red, yellow, yellow-green, and browns.

Kushan Royal Costume:
Chugha : calf-length overcoat with a wide richly embroidered border down the centre-front opening, hem and edge of long sleeves (probably ruched)
Tunic : Kurta-like long garment
Chalana : baggy trousers tucked into calf-length padded boots

Prince Siddhartha, Gandhara School of Art depicting the costumes of Brahmin priests and royal/court men.

Kushan men wore stitched calf length tunic. Owing to the Roman influence of Kushans Antariya in the era is worn sari-like, tied in front, while one end is passed between the legs, pleated and tucked in at the back, the other end is partly pleated and tucked in at the front, then wound around and worn over the left shoulder.

Mathura School of Art. Costumes of Kushan women include: Antariya (lehenga style) : simply wrapped around and tucked in at the left
Anatriya (sari style) : worn in the kachcha style, the other end being taken across the body and over the left shoulder
Uttariya : thrown casually over the shoulders
Tunic : with front opening, held at the neck by button; long ruched sleeves have ruching held by jewelled bands or buttons; tunic is form-fitting
Mekhala : four-stringed girdle with clasp and decorative leaf at the centre
Hara : one long pearl necklace worn between the breasts and one short one with a pendant
Kundala : large ring-type earrings
Head-dress : chaplet of leaves or turban with a central flower worn around the top knot of hair

SATAVAHANA DYNASTY (221 BCE -218 CE)

State-sponsored Brahminization of modern day Andhra and Karnataka begins in the reign of Satavahanas. The earliest Satavahana king overthrows Kanvayana (a Brahmin dynasty that replaced Shungas,) and ruled the area of modern day Maharashtra. The complex racial mix in pre-Satavahana Maharashtra makes it difficult to trace the exact origins of Satavahana rulers. Satavahana kings expand their territories further East and go on to exercise their rule over Andhra tribes. Ancient Andhra tribes occupied the lower course of Godavari and Krishna river prior to the period of Brahminism. It is likely that the vedic Indo-Aryan influences entered the Andhra tribal society during the Brahminical expansions around 500 BCE – 200 BCE. Archaeological evidences suggest heavy northern plough had reached the region and the development of agriculture took place with Indo-Aryans migrations to Andhra. Jainism, Buddhism along with other indigenous tribal customs were popular religions in Mauryan ruled Andhra. Satavahanas establish their political authority in Andhra region roughly half a century after the fall of Mauryan empire.   Satavahana king Gautamiputra Satakarni adopted orthodox Brahmin religion and performed Rajasuya and Ashwamedha sacrifices, and introduced Varna divisions in Central-South India. Several copper-plate inscriptions of post-Satavahana period records gifts of tax-free lands for temples. Evidences from Satavahana period refer to Halikas (cultivators), Kularikas (potters), Kokilas (weavers), Kamaras (smiths), Sethis (merchants) etc, among the earliest social divisions on basis of occupation. The newly introduced class divisions of ancient Andhra appear somewhat different and fluid in comparison to the rigid Brahminical caste system observed in North India. Satavahana dynasty disintegrates by 2nd century CE into several smaller kingdoms, such as Ikshvakus, Brihatpalayanas, Anandas, Salankayanas, Pitrubhaktas, Matharas, Vasishtas etc, who were all Orthodox Brahmin, Vaishnavite or Shivite rulers.

Woman wearing Pratidhi (breastband) Ajanta Caves, Maharashtra. By this period, there was considerable influences from the West, the Greco-Roman notion of covering breasts finds popularity in Indian subcontinent.

Costume of Dancing Girl (Ajanta Caves, Maharashtra):
Cholaka: fitted choli-type blouse with an apron front; the long sleeves are of dark red brocade, while the middle is of white silk probably tied at the back with ribbons that are visible
Antariya: worn in Lehenga style, is of silk with purple, green and yellow stripes with lozenge patterns in white
Muktavali: three stringed pearl necklace
Hara: necklace of large beads
Valaya: two simple and one ornamental bangle on each wrist
Kancala Kundala: elaborate earrings with pendants
Mukuta: tiara of gold
Hairstyle: large bun at the nape with flowers and several strings of pearls or gold chain wound around and held by brooches

ARYA-DRAVIDA CULTURAL FUSION

SANGAM ERA

In southern India, Thamizh was already a full-blown language with its own writing system. According to Thamizh legends, there existed three Sangams (Academy of Thamizh poets) in ancient Thamizhakam. The first Sangam was held at then Madurai, and the second Sangam was held at Kapadapuram, however most literary works from the early Sangams have perished over time. The only surviving Sangam texts from third Sangam were compiled roughly between 400 BCE until 300 CE under the patronage of ancient Pandya kingdom. The Sangam works (which also included several women poets like Avvaiyar, Mudatamakkanniar, Kaakkaippaadiniyaar, Naachchellayaar, Naagaiyaar, Nanmullaiyaar, Ponmudiyaar, Ilaveyiniyaar and Nappasaliyaar,) had the knowledge of Aryans and their literary pursuits. In this period, Thamizh even lends loan words to Sanskrit: like mayura from mayil, phala from palam, mukta from muttu, and candana from cantu. Likewise, the influence of Vedic Sanskrit in Thamizh is evident in Tholkappiyam believed to be authored by Tholkappiyar, a disciple of sage Agastya. According to Brahmin literature, sage Agastya is said to have migrated from North & introduced Vedic culture to ancient Dravidian society. Brahmin legends regard Agathiyar as a form of Shiva who championed Thamizh learning – whose superiority was acknowledged even by his rival sage Vyasa (who championed Sanskrit). Other local legends regard Agathiyam and Tholkappiyam as ancient Dravidian texts which were later modified with Brahminical persona. Dating of Tholkappiyam has been of much debates and dispute. Dating of Tholkappiyam is crucial since it carries the earliest evidence of Sanskrit influence in Thamizh literature. Historians widely accept the view that Tholkppaiyam was not compiled as a single entity but in parts and layers which are estimated as written between the 3rd century BCE to 5th century CE – leading to the assumption that Tholkappiyam wasn’t composed by one author but reworked, edited, and possibly distorted by several others. Tholkappiyam describes Murugun as the favoured god of Thamizh people and Sivan had the status of supreme god. It’s remarkable that Vedas find no reference of Dravidian god Sivan but Vedic deity Rudra evolves into Shiva in post-Vedic Brahminical texts. Thirumal, Kubera, Amman, Valli, Wanji-Ko & Kotravi are the other popular ancient Dravidian gods who eventually get absorbed into Brahminical religious texts. Tirumal is integrated with Vishnu, Sivan with Vedic deity Rudra, Amman & Kotravi with Parvati and Wanji-Ko with Indra. This synthesis of religion is also widely criticised on grounds of Dravidian gods being hijacked or appropriated into Puranic and Vedic gods, and modification of Dravidian cultural knowledge and history. The architecture and style of Sangam period brick temple excavated at Salavanakuppam near Mahabalipuram, is different from the norms of Bhramnical Shilpa Shastra. Unlike Vedic people who cremated the deceased, ancient Dravidians buried the deceased in graves encircled by big pieces of stone – the ancient non-Vedic burial customs rooted in burials urns of Megalithic age continues to be preserved and practised till to-day by both Hindus and non-Hindus of South Indian origin.

Tholkappiyam classifies the ancient Dravidian society into four divisions on basis of profession – Anthanar, Arasar, Vaisyar and Vellalar. Another Sangam text Purananuru states that one’s social status in ancient Thamizh society was based on merit not inherited. Purananuru also mentions the names of ancient Thamizh tribes such as Thudiyan, Pannan, and Kadamban.  The earliest reference of Paraiyar, drummers classified as Adi Dravida (Dalits) in modern India, occurs in a poem by the Sangam poet Mangudi Kilar in 2nd century CE, however any branding of social hierarchy or inheritance of profession itself does not occur until the reign of Rajaraja Chozha in 1100 CE.

COSTUMES OF SANGAM PERIOD

Owing to hot and humid climate, people of ancient South Indian kingdoms wore short and minimal clothing and left the body bare above their waists from early times. Nudity was a natural concept, and rules of modesty, nudity and clothing didn’t vary between genders. A short lower garment made of handspun cotton and silk was worn by people of wealthy communities. People from lower-economic communities dressed themselves with lower garments and accessories made of leaves, coconut fibres, and animal hair.

Chembakassery sculpture dating to 1st Chera Kingdom, Sangam era - depicts minimalist loin cloth draped on lower body.

Chembakassery sculpture dating to 1st Chera Kingdom, Sangam era – depicts minimalist loin cloth draped on lower body.

While ancient Dravidian clothing was primarily minimalist in nature, Sangam works refer to a variety of ornaments made of gold, silver, pearls, and precious stones. Jewellery described in Sangam texts include Pullakkam, Maharapakuvai, Valampuri, Punkulai, Thodaivamani Malai, Pulipal Thali, Thodi Valai, Kudaichchul, Silambu, Paivagan Padhagam, Sadangai, Arivegam and Kazhal. People paid much attention to their hairstyle. Ancient Dravidians wore flowers like Jasmine to decorate their plaits and tufts, and used perfumes made of sandal and flowers. People also commonly wore ornaments made of shells and beads similar to that of Indus Valley civilisation.

An Indian silver coin (c. 1st century BCE) depicting the local Chera ruler wearing Roman-style helmet with bristles.

DRAVIDIAN DARK AGES (300 CE – 700 CE)

Indo-Aryan Kalabhra rulers invade and displace the three ancient Thamizh kingdoms (Pandyan, Chera & Chozha) by 300 CE – this period is described as Dark Age in Thamizh literature.  Though Kalabhras conquer Dravidian lands as Jains, they later preach Puranic religion, possibly influenced by the growing Brahminical influence in other parts of Indian subcontinent. Kalabhra coins dating to 600 CE employ both Prakrit and Thamizh in their inscriptions.

References from Silapathikaram, Kalithokai and other Sangam works confirm that even women (like Kannagi and Madhavi) wore only lower garments from the loins downwards to the ankles while the upper portion above the waist remained bare. Indo-Aryan influences on post-Sangam Dravidian clothing is visible in the two piece clothing worn by royals: Sirradai (worn on waist like antariya) and Meladai (draped on the torso like uttariya).

Depiction of Jain Chera prince Ilango in sirradai and meladai.

The rule of Kalabhras is ended by counter-invasions by Pallava, Pandya and Chozha kings. Pallava kings who succeeded the Satvahanas in Andhra, fund various Brahminical academies in medieval Thamizh Nadu. Shaivism, Shakthism and Vaishnavism emerge as the major religions of South India by the end of Kalabhra rule.

 

KADAMBA DYNASTY (345 CE – 525 CE)

The Kadambas who were initially subordinates to early Pallavas (an off-shoot of Satvahanas,) fight the armies of the Pallavas of Kanchi to establish Kadamba dynasty in 345 CE and ruled northern parts of Karnataka. Kadambas are Havyaka Brahmin, a classification of Pancha-Dravida Brahmins who were among the earliest set of Brahmins to have migrated to modern day Karnataka and settled in Shivamogga region. Though Kadamba dynasty was founded by Brahmin born Mayurasharma, his successors later changed their surname to Varma to indicate their new Kshatriya status. Kadamba kings preached orthodox Brahminism. Kadamba king Krishna Varma also performed the Ashwamedha (horse sacrifice). Right from the time of Mauryasharma, large colonies of Brahmins from North India were invited to settle in Tulu region and Kerala. Kadamba period temples also exist in modern day Goa region at Arvalem, Norva and Lampagaon. Halmidi inscriptions dating to Kadamba period is the earliest known epigraph that showed the usage of ancient Kannada script. Kadamba rule in Karnataka was succeeded by Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas who continued to preach Brahminism and catalysed the establishment of Varna system in medieval Karnataka.

GUPTA EMPIRE (240 CE – 590 CE)

The Dark Age of Dravdian history also coincides with the Golden age of Northern-Central India. Classical Sanskrit flourished under Guptas kings who supported extensive literary works in topics ranging from medicine, veterinary science, mathematics, astrology, astronomy and astrophysics. The iconic Aryabhata made extraordinary academic contributions in the Buddhist heart land of Pataliputtra. Gupta kings who were orthodox Vaishnavas, funded both Buddhism and Brahminism in seek of legitimacy for their dynasty.  Gupta kings built Buddhist temples and monastic universities such as those at Nalanda. Ramayana and Mahabharata also take their final shape in this era. The Bhagavad Gita successfully manages to merge both Brhamanic as well as Sarmanic traditions of Buddhists and Jains into one scripture. The growth of ritualism in Mahanya Buddhism increasingly blurred the differences between Buddhism and Brahminism. Buddha eventually emerges as an avatar of Vishnu in Vaishnavism. The decline of Gupta period in 5th century AD marks the end of Ancient Indian history timeline (and commencement of Medieval period.)

 

BR Ambedkar points to this period for orchestrating the menace of untouchability.

“Cow-killing was made a mortal sin or a capital offence by the Gupta kings who were champions of Hinduism,” notes Dr Ambedkar. He quotes historian D.R. Bhandarkar, who in his Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture cites a copper plate inscription, dated 465 AD and belonging to Skandagupta’s reign, which equates gau-hatya, or cow-slaughter, with brahma-hatya, or the slaying of a Brahmin. This equivalence is more or less echoed in an earlier inscription of 412 AD. It was from then on cow-slaughter began to be considered a mortal sin. – Firstpost

In response to vegetarianism preached by Buddha & Mahavir, Brahmins scale it a notch up by banning the consumption of cow meat. Kamadenu, the sacred gaumata also emerges as a significant Puranic deity. In his book, The Untouchables, Dr. BR Ambekar also writes:

There is really no necessity to enter upon any speculation as to whether beef-eating was or was not the principal reason for the rise of Untouchability. This new theory receives support from the Hindu Shastras. The Veda Vyas Smriti contains the following verse which specifies the communities which are included in the category of Antyajas and the reasons why they were so included

L.12-13 “The Charmakars (Cobbler), the Bhatta (Soldier), the Bhilla, the Rajaka (washerman), the Puskara, the Nata (actor), the Vrata, the Meda, the Chandala, the Dasa, the Svapaka, and the Kolika- these are known as Antyajas as well as others who eat cow’s flesh.”

The Brahminical four-fold varna system takes its shape in North India as we see it in the present day, defined by the following characteristics:

  1. Caste is hierarchical
  2. Caste is hereditary
  3. Purity of bloodline (through established marital norms to marry within the caste)
  4. Occupations reserved only for specific caste on virtues of birth (and not merit)
  5. Social ostracism & untouchability on basis of caste hierarchy

The clothing in Gupta period comprised mostly of stitched styles which gained the status of royalty during Kushan periods. Since Kushans were much influenced with the Western Roman Empire therefore the coats, trousers
and boots were pre dominant dresses of royal family. Gupta people continued to wear the new fashion with indigenous styles – antariya, uttariya and kayabandh.

Mens Costume, Gupta period: A-King (Ajanta, Cave XVII), B-King, making an
offering of lotus flowers to Lord Buddha (Ajanta, Cave I), C- King and Queen (Gupta gold coin), D- Prince
(Ajanta, Cave XVII), E- Minister (Ajanta), F- Chamberlain (Ajanta, Cave XVII), G- Guard (Ajanta, Cave
II), H- GUARD (Ajanta, Cave XVII), I- Foot Soldier (Ajanta, Cave XVII), J- Bikkhu (Ajanta, Cave XVI),
K- Horse Man (Ajanta, Cave XVI)

Womens costume, Gupta period: Costumes of women. A- Queen (from Gupta gold coin), B- Votary (Ajanta, Cave II), CAttendant (Ajanta, Cave I), D- Maid Servant (Ajanta, Cave XVII), E- Court Lady (Ajanta, Cave I), FPrincess (Ajanta, Cave I), G- Court Lady (Gwalior Museum), H-Female Votary (Ajanta, Cave VI), I- Maid (Ajanta, Cave XVI)

POVERTY RIDDEN LOWER CASTE COMMUNITIES CONTINUED TO BE CHIEFLY UNCLOTHED, COVERED IN LOIN CLOTH, VEGETATION, AND ANIMAL SKIN (& BYPRODUCTS).

Read: Influence of Caste System in Clothing – Medieval South India (Before Sultanates)

Images (Sculptures and Paintings): WIKICOMMONS

Costume Illustrations: 4to40.com

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Gandhian Handlooms – Revival of Typewriter Culture in 5G era

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Handlooms at Banaras, India

 

Gandhi adopted Khadi as a political iconography in protest against British mill-made cotton. In the 21st century, Gandhi’s anti-Colonial Swadeshi politics are garnished with the ethos of sustainability, dressed with notions of handmade luxury, and marketed as the beacon of hope to uplift the indigenous weavers of India. Khadi’s share in textile production has doubled in the last five years. While the Gandhian handlooms movement has empowered various elite sections of the Indian textile industry, the weavers, however, continue to remain underpaid labours. Can weavers completely depend upon existing Gandhian handloom ethos and sustain competition from technologically superior powerloom players within the country and abroad?

 

POWERLOOM VS HANDLOOM

Looms operated with the aid of electric power for the manufacturing of cloth are called as Powerlooms whereas the Handlooms are looms operated without aid of power. The exclusive-organised-and-elite-controlled powerloom sector roughly accounts for 60% of fabric production in India whereas the oppressed-castes dominated the handloom sector despite employing a whopping 11 million indigenous artisans, contributes to a meagre 15% of fabric production.  While the Government of India protects the interests of the handloom sector from the encroachment of the powerloom industry by way of reserving certain specifications for exclusive production by handlooms (Handlooms Reservation of Articles for Production Act, 1985), the need to nurture powerloom industries were also addressed simultaneously by the state.  In the early years of independence, Gandhian liberals shielded powerloom-elites from foreign competition and in later years through policies of nationalising mills.

 

“The hand loom worker was lured with the carrot of sops to race on a bullock cart on a road that moved much faster than his vehicle, and against a competitor who drove a racing car. It was a race that was illogical, the hand operated loom can never be as productive as the mechanized, power driven mill. It can never achieve the economies of scale required to compete in a commoditized market, because the hand loom is a lone worker and his family, not an organization like the mill.” – Round Table India

 

When I visited Benaras craft clusters in the early 2010s, inadequate wages and resultant high-job dropout rates were the biggest concerns bothering handloom weavers on the ground reality. The weavers at Benaras were then paid a meagre wage averaging about Rs.150 per day. A recent study by the Centre for Handloom Information and Advocacy in Andhra Pradesh found that 55% of weavers’ families earn less than Rs 1,000 a month. Handloom weavers are forced to look out for other jobs with better pay and there’s no bigger loss to the craft than the loss of such highly skilled artisans & craftsmen. State-sponsored socialism needs to club with the modernisation of small-scale industries for the betterment of both the art and artisan. Gandhi championed Khadi in colonial India to compete British-mill made goods. Gandhians of 21st century are still singing the glory of Khadi – What they distracted you is from the fact that average Indian weavers still don’t have access to the power-driven machines the British used even 70 years ago! Caging the weaver within the technologically-crippled maze of Gandhian handlooms has only discouraged marginalised communities from venturing into savarnas-controlled powerloom industries.

 

NEED FOR TECHNOLOGIC UPGRADE

Fashion’s elite torchbearers of Khadi have comfortably lived in a cocoon enabling them to prioritise their esteem & self-actualisation needs over the basic survival needs of artisans – they’ve focused more on protecting the arts than the artisan itself. Craft only lives till the craftsmen live. The artisans are struggling to meet ends while the elite-classes selling the handloom narrative are minting fortune. Although cherished for Gandhian swadeshi ethos, the machines involved in handloom production are begging for immediate technological uplift and upgrade. It is more important to equip the Indian weaver with efficient, sustainable, and modern machinery than keep alive a culture where rich people get to shop handmade labour. Promoting handlooms when power-operated looms are still away from the reach of the ordinary weavers is only reviving typewriter culture in the era of 5G. Culture is a self-sustaining entity that changes and evolves forever, but jobs aren’t! Industrial reforms are the immediate needs of the hour. It’s the 21st century – machines are set to steal most labour jobs – the sooner labour classes progress their way out of Gandhian “handmade” utopia, the nearer is an egalitarian future!

 

ETHICAL FASHION & GANDHIAN HANDLOOMS

Like most handmade procedures, weaving with hand-operated looms involve lesser carbon-emissions as compared to power-operated looms. Environmental hazards are a potential threat to every living creature including Gandhian elites, however, the hazardous working conditions of small-scale weaving industries are bigger immediate concerns threatening the handloom weaver in particular. Small scale industries are scattered and largely supported by individuals (and immediate family) unlike the powerloom mills operated in larger scales. Loss of eyesight due to inadequate lighting conditions is alarmingly common among handloom weavers. Weaving with hand-operated looms also involves tedious labour – labour which Gandhian savarnas wouldn’t do themselves, but will glorify about.

“The hand-mill gives you society with the feudal lord” – Karl Marx

Craft specific labour groups like the handloom-weavers and other marginalised castes, as well as the hegemony of elite classes in powerloom sectors,  are salient characteristics of Varnashrama society fantasied by Gandhians. In elitist-liberal narratives, the well-off Mahatma Gandhi shedding Western attire and adopting loin cloth is dubbed as the biggest sartorial revolution in Indian politics. Gandhi’s modesty was merely in outlook while he continued to enjoy most socio-economic privileges of a twice-born Hindu man while still clad in a humble loincloth. Unlike Gandhi, Babasaheb Ambedkar had to fight his way from not only poverty but also the Hindu caste-apartheid. Unlike the Baniya-born Gandhi who discovered discrimination in South Africa, Dr B R Ambedkar for the first time lived in a society that promised equality, liberty & freedom when he moved outside the Varnashrama society. From being born in a caste who were once denied to cover upper-body, Babasaheb went on to earn his blue coat-suit which he proudly wore – a revolting contrast from Gandhi’s modest clothing politics. Progress is not when Gandhi appropriates the poor man’s outfit, progress is when the poor man has access to the same resources that Gandhi did. Gandhi abandoning his modern clothing to adopt loin cloth has as much significance to the marginalised Indians as a white man getting fake tan would concern brown Indians. Much like Gandhi, Gandhian elites are privileged enough to meddle even with stone-age tools and still make a comfortable living, but handloom weavers aren’t. Handlooms are one among many conscious consumption “choices” for Gandhian elites, but modern machinery & amenities are a “necessity” for the poor weaver.

 

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Origin of Clothing of Early Hominids: Who Invented & Why Wear?

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Gender-Neutrality is the default settings involved in the origin of clothing.” – Purushu Arie

 

Hominid Evolution Timeline

Image: ScienceMe

 

Clothing: Item(s) used to cover/enclose the body.

 

Clothing: A Survival Reaction to Evolutionary Loss of Fur?

Fossil remains of Lucy, an Australopithecus Afarensis from 3.2 million years ago suggests that she could walk upright on two legs and be covered in fur. By around 2 million / 20 lakh years ago, hominids increasingly inhabited grasslands where they started to hunt & eat more meat. Hominids also lost their body hair over this period to sweat more profusely and survive the sun’s glaring heat.[1] It is possible that early hominids covered themselves in animal furs/skins/feathers (a byproduct of their food) to compensate for the evolutionary loss of hair – particularly to survive in harsh environmental conditions. Earliest hominids who invented clothing probably didn’t wear clothes all the time but covered up in animal hides only in extreme weathers.

 

Evolutionary Role of Homo Eructus in Origin of Clothing:

While Australopithecus hominids were the first to use stone tools, a Columbia University research suggests that Homo Eructus who appeared about 2 million ago were the earliest of hominids to forge weapons like hand-axe, and master technologies like the controlled use of fire.[2]

Forensic reconstruction of Homo Eructus face

Forensic reconstruction of Homo Eructus skull by W. Schnaubelt & N. Kieser (Atelier WILD LIFE ART), Image: WikiCommons

Homo Eructus is not only speculated to be the first of hominids to live in a hunter-gatherer society but also among the earliest to migrate in waves from Africa to Eurasia[3] – both of which plays a crucial role in the evolutionary development of clothing. Having lived for over a million years, Homo Erectus is probably the longest-lived species of Homo, and diverged into sub-species by around 5,00,000 years ago – notably Homo Heidelbergensis, the common ancestor of both Homo Sapiens & Neanderthals who first appeared in Africa & Eurasia respectively around 3,00,000-2,00,000 years ago.

 

Homo Sapiens Wore Clothes since 83,000-1,70,000 years ago.

It is impractical to determine the exact origins of clothing with mere archaeological evidence since early clothing materials (animal skins and furs) do not fossilise like bones or stand the test of time like other pre-historic remains. A University of Florida based research studied the origins of clothing lice to date the genesis of clothing – since clothing lice evolved from head louse ancestors only after humans adopted clothing. The study estimates that clothing lice diverged from head louse ancestors at least before 83,000 years and possibly as early as 170,000 years ago – the earliest known estimate of clothing worn by Homo Sapiens.[4]

 

Thermal Model of Origin of Clothing:

Survival needs like thermal protection appear to be the primary purpose of clothing in ice age conditions which began before 2.5 million years and lasted up to 11,700 years ago. It is likely that only those hominids who covered adequately survived the test of evolution in the cold Pleistocene climate, and it can be commented with surety that Homo Sapiens wore clothes on a regular basis to keep warm after the first exposure to such harsh Ice Age conditions. The dating of the genesis of clothing by understanding the evolution of clothing lice, however, implies that Homo Sapiens wore clothes at least about 70,000-40,000 years before the earliest migrations out of Africa to colder latitudes.

 

Body Art & Modifications: Proto-Clothing?

Few forms of body art and modifications of early hominids include:

  • The use of colours/cosmetics applied over the body.
  • Creation of visible patterns/imagery on the body for purely aesthetic or symbolic intent.
  • Temporary/permanent modification of body in forms of piercing etc.
  • Wearing 2D/3D objects on the body like shells, animal teeth, feathers and beads for functional and/or aesthetic purposes.
body art and decorations of early hominids

Evolution of body art & artefacts used by early Hominids. Image: Gillian M Morriss-Kay

Hominids in Africa used ochre pigments by 2,00,000BP – almost the same time range as the early red ochre use in the Neanderthals record.[5] indicates that prehistoric hunter-gatherers explored the decorative purpose of clothing fibres at least before 30,000 years. H. sapiens used beads in Kibish, Ethiopia dated to 195 000 BP.[6] The practice of piercing teeth, shells and bones, and stringing them, singly or multiply, to make a pendant or necklace is the oldest known form of personal decoration after body painting.[7] Discovery of spun, dyed and knotted flax fibres from a series of Upper Paleolithic layers at Dzudzuana Cave, located in the foothills of the Caucasus, Georgia, indicates that prehistoric hunter-gatherers developed a knack for vanity, decorations and other sartorial symbolic interpretations at least before 30,000 years.[8] It is possible that some hominids substituted body decorations with clothing only after they migrated and faced cold weather conditions.

 

Combination of Multiple Needs/Wants Leading to Origin of Clothing:

Few evolutionary purposes of clothing in Maslow's hierarchy pyramid of needs & wants.

Interpreting a few evolutionary purposes of clothing with Maslow’s hierarchy pyramid of needs & wants.

The fact that nudity remains an acceptable norm in many hunter-gatherer cultures of the modern world asserts that clothing in itself is not vital for survival – not for everyone at least. In the vast timeline of early hominids spanning millions of years, it is highly likely that clothing was invented more than once for more than one purpose by various groups of Hominids at various locations spread from Africa to Eurasia. For example, Neanderthals who inhabited Europe are likely to have invented clothing at a different timeline (possibly earlier) than Homo Sapiens. In contrast to the warm tropical weathers of Africa where Homo Sapiens lived for the most of their evolutionary history, Neanderthals lived in colder European conditions and wore thick furs cloak that offered thermal protection which was crucial for survival.[9]

 

Clothing of Neanderthals

Soft tissue reconstruction of a Homo Neanderthalensis male & child, Natural History Museum, Vienna ( Austria ) Image: WikiCommons

Role of Clothing in Evolutionary Success of Homo Sapiens Over Other Hominids:

Homo Sapiens joined Neanderthals in Europe 42,000 years ago where they co-existed for roughly about 2000-5000 years. Unlike Neanderthals, whose shorter and stockier bodies were better adapted to Europe’s colder weather, Homo Sapiens had leaner bodies, which made them more vulnerable to the cold. A comparative study between the clothing of Neanderthals and Homo Sapiens concluded that Neanderthals covered 70-80% of their body as opposed to 90% covered by Homo Sapiens.[10]  The disparities in body-coverage arise from the fact that Neanderthals were better adapted to cold whereas Homo Sapiens were forced to cover up more.  Denisovan Hominids, who coexisted with Neanderthals and Homo Sapiens in Europe, is credited with using the world’s oldest surviving sewing-needle which is approx. 50,000 years old.[11] By about 30,000 years ago, Homo Sapiens developed better tools like blade, improved upon the technology of Neanderthals/Denisovans and sewed tight-fitting clothing to compensate their biological drawbacks[12] – this technological advancement in clothing is likely to have enabled more insulative clothing than that of Neanderthals and a key for evolutionary success of Homo Sapiens over other Neanderthals. Even if insufficient insulation didn’t cause the extinction of Neanderthals, the more developed and thermally effective clothing of Homo Sapiens is likely part of the adaptive package that helped them outnumber other archaic Hominids.[13]

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

  1.  Alan R. Rogers, David Iltis, and Stephen Wooding, “Genetic Variation at the MC1R Locus and the Time since Loss of Human Body Hair,” Current Anthropology 45, no. 1 (February 2004): 105-108
  2. Humans Shaped Stone Axes 1.8 Million Years Ago, Study Says, The Earth Institute, (2011-09-01)
  3. The Age of the 20 Meter Solo River Terrace, Java, Indonesia and the Survival of Homo erectus in Asia, June 29, 2011
  4. Melissa A. Toups, Andrew Kitchen, Jessica E. Light, David L. Reed, Origin of Clothing Lice Indicates Early Clothing Use by Anatomically Modern Humans in Africa, Molecular Biology and Evolution, Volume 28, Issue 1, January 2011, Pages 29–32
  5. Use of red ochre by early Neandertals by Wil Roebroeks, Mark J. Sier, Trine Kellberg Nielsen, Dimitri De Loecker, Josep Maria Parés, Charles E. S. Arps, and Herman J. Mücher, PNAS, February 7, 2012
  6. Stratigraphic placement and age of modern humans from Kibish, Ethiopia by McDougall I, Brown FH, Fleagle JG, Nature. 2005 Feb 17
  7. The evolution of human artistic creativity by Gillian M Morriss-Kay J Anat. 2010 Feb; 216(2): 158–176
  8. 30,000-Year-Old Wild Flax Fibers, Science 11 Sep 2009: Vol. 325, Issue 5946, pp. 1359
  9. Faunal evidence for a difference in clothing use between Neanderthals and early modern humans in Europe, Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, Volume 44, Part B, December 2016, Pages 235-246
  10. Modeling Neanderthal clothing using ethnographic analogues by Nathan Wales, Journal of Human Evolution, Volume 63, Issue 6, December 2012, Pages 781-795
  11. World’s oldest needle found in Siberian cave that stitches together human history, The Serbian Times
  12. Neanderthal Extinction and Modern Human Behaviour: The Role of Climate Change and Clothing by Ian Gilligan, World Archaeology, Vol. 39, No. 4, Debates in “World Archaeology” (Dec., 2007), pp. 499-514
  13. Clothing and the replacement of Neanderthals by Modern Humans by Lia Tarle

 

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Costumes and Clothing of Keezhadi’s Vaigai Valley Civilisation

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keezhadi excavation site

Keezhadi Excavation Site | Image: Department of Archaeology, Government of Tamil Nadu

Madurai, also described as “Athens of South India” due to its ancient cultural heritage, is home to various Palaeolithic, Neolithic, and Megalithic sites. It was previously proposed that urbanisation of ancient Thamizhakam began with 3rd century BCE. However, the scientific findings at Keezhadi pushes the date behind to 600BCE. The remains of Vaigai Valley Civilisation debunks the theory that 2nd urbanisation of India started in Gangetic plains and later spread Southwards. Knowledge of costume and clothing of Vaigai Valley Civilisation comes from Keezhadi archaeological excavations which include items of golden ornaments, ear ornaments, spindle whorls, terracotta beads, and semi-precious stones like agate, carnelian, crystal etc. Archeologists & historians have also speculated that ancient Thamizh country might have traded commodities like pearl, gemstone, textile, and perfumes with South-East Asian countries, Sri Lanka, Egypt, Rome, Greece and China.

 

CLOTHING OF VAIGAI VALLEY CIVILISATION

Excavations at Keezhadi include weaving tools like spindle whorls, bone-tip & copper needles, hanging stones of the yarn, terracotta spheres, and earthen vessels to hold liquid which clearly attest the various stages of weaving industry from spinning, yarning, looming and weaving, later for dyeing.

keeled weaving tools

Spindle whorls & bone tips excavated at Keeladi

 

Unlike the weaving artefacts which has survived over thousands of years, the fabric itself doesn’t stand the test of time. However, Akam & Puram poetry of later Sangam era specify that people wore clothes called “Kalingam”. Puram states that people of ancient Thamizhakam wore clothes of spun cotton and silk. Akam also suggests that Ashoka tree leaves, punnai flowers, coconut fibre, animal hair (wool) were used for the purpose of clothing. With the evidence of weaving industry from Keezhadi excavations, it is likely that the clothing material culture mentioned in Sangam texts have been in use at least since 600BCE at Vaigai Valley Civilisation.

 

Excavations from another archaeological site Adhichanallur, about 15 kms from ancient Pandyan capital of Korkai contained various artefacts dating from 1800 to 600 BCE. A palm size bronze figurine excavated from Adhichanallur, dating to 1500BCE featured waist-wrap costumes similar to Indus Valley figurines. References from Silapathikaram, Kalithokai and other Sangam works composed in 1st millennium CE confirm that even women (like Kannagi and Madhavi) wore only lower garments from the loins downwards to the ankles without any rigid norms demanding to cover the torso. The artefacts found at Keezhadi dates to a period between that of Adhichanallur artefacts & Sangam compositions of 1st millennium CE. It is very likely that people who lived in Keezhadi during 600BCE primarily covered only the lower part of the body – a costume culture that’s evident in Adhichanallur figurine and survived well until the times of 1st millennium CE.

Palm sized bronze figurine dating 1500 BCE excavated from the archaeological site at Adichanallur, located along the Tamirabarani river in Thoothukudi district

Palm sized bronze female figurine dating 1500 BCE excavated from the archaeological site at Adhichanallur, located along the Tamirabarani river in Thoothukudi district. The figurine is wearing dangling earrings, oddiyanam (udharabandha/waistband), and possibly a keeludai/antariya.

 

JEWELLERY & ORNAMENTS OF KEEZHADI

The occurrence of seven gold ornaments, copper articles, beads of gems, more than 4000 beads of semiprecious stones, glass beads, shell bangles, ivory bangle pieces, comb and terracotta objects indicate the cultural richness and economic prosperity of Vaigai Valley Civilisation.

Gold Ornaments of Keeladi

7 gold ornaments excavated from Keezhadi

 

glass beads keeled

Glass beads from Vaigai River Civilisation

 

Agate & Carnelian beads excavated from Keezhadi

Agate & Carnelian beads excavated from Keezhadi

 

Ivory comb from Vaigai Valley Civilisation

Ivory comb from Vaigai Valley Civilisation

 

 

SIMILARITIES BETWEEN VAIGAI VALLEY CIVILISATION & INDUS VALLEY CIVILISATION

The urban town planning, structural engineering, brick structures, terracotta ring wells, fallen roofing tiles with double holes
and deeply finger pressed grooves to draw rain water as well as the material culture of artefacts, evidence of cattle rearing, and graffiti of Keezhadi carry uncanny resemblances to that of Indus Valley Civilisation. The similarities between Vaigai Valley Civilisation and Indus Valley Civilisation further strengthens the DNA studies which suggests that  Indus Valley people who moved Southwards with the influx (or invasion) of Vedic immigrants and mixed with indigenous hunter-gatherers make up ASI (Ancestral South Indians) whereas Indus people who mixed with immigrants from Steppe grasslands form ANI (Ancestral North Indians).

Artifacts & archaeological remains at Keezhadi.

Artifacts & archaeological remains at Keezhadi.

 

Brick structural remains from Indus Valley Civilisation

Brick structural remains from Indus Valley Civilisation

 

Comparison of Keeladi graffiti with Indus Seals

Variety of beads from Keezhadi

Variety of beads from Keezhadi

 

Carnelian beads from Indus Valley Civilisation

Carnelian beads from Indus Valley Civilisation

 

Keeladi terracotta figurines

Terracotta figurines of Vaigai Valley Civilisation

 

Terracotta figurines of Indus Valley Civilisation

Terracotta figurines of Indus Valley Civilisation

 

 

Pottery at Keezhadi

Pottery at Keezhadi | Image: The Hindu

 

Pottery from Indus Valley Civilisation

Pottery from Indus Valley Civilisation

 

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Inclusive Intersectional Fashion

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Genderless, Casteless, & Classless Fashion

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Trickle Up vs Trickle Down Fashion Trends – Through the Gaze of Inclusivity

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Trickle Down Fashion Trends

Trickle down fashion trends originate from elite sections of the society and trickles down to masses. Trickle down fashion trends are expensive upon introduction so that only the wealthy can afford it. The trend becomes affordable to general masses when its novelty wears out and the price falls gradually – by which time, the elite sections switch to new fashion trends – which again trickle down to masses with time, thereby enabling a continuous fashion cycle that flows from elite sections to lower economic classes.

Miranda Priestly The Devil Wears Prada Cerulean Sweater scene

Image: The Devil Wears Prada Copyright (c) 20th Century Fox Film Corp.

In the film The Devil Wears Prada, Miranda Priestly cites trickle down trend of cerulean to defend the existence of fashion industry. In a snooty tone, Miranda Priestly explains: “In 2002, Oscar de la Renta did a collection of cerulean gowns. And then I think it was Yves Saint Laurent… wasn’t it who showed cerulean military jackets? ….. And then cerulean quickly showed up in the collections of eight different designers. And then it, uh, filtered down through the department stores and then trickled on down into some tragic Casual Corner where you, no doubt, fished it out of some clearance bin.”

 

But is the fashion of general masses always dictated by handful of elite fashion insiders like Miranda Priestly? NO.

 

Trickle Up Fashion Trends

Trickle up fashion trends are born among masses and flow from lower economic classes to affluent sections. Jeans are an omnipresent example of trickle up fashion trend – initially worn by miners, factory workers, and farmers, which gradually gained acceptance among larger audience and by 1970s jeans trickled up to become popular casual wear in America. T-shirt is another trickle-up style which was originally confined to blue-collar workers but evolved into must-have wardrobe staple due to its practicality and comfort.

Shariq Hassan in Purushu Arie Lungi

Actor Shariq Hassan wearing draped lungi by Purushu Arie

 

Trickle Down Exclusivity vs Trickle Up Inclusivity

Trickle down fashion trends are exclusionary where a particular trend becomes undesirable the moment it reaches the masses. Trickle down fashion involves clear hierarchies of superordinate and subordinate roles where the former seeks to differentiate from the latter. In trickle down themes, elite classes protect status quo by exclusively playing the fashion innovators while general masses are assigned the role of fashion followers.

 

Unlike the exclusivity driven trickle down fashion, trickle up trends are born from inclusive cultural exchanges and unity of masses. While trickle down fashion isn’t even tolerant, trickle up fashion is accepting. Trickle down is fashion fascism whereas trickle up is freedom. Trickle up is freedom from trickle down elitism. It finds liberation in being inclusive. In a world where everyone wants to be different, the most different thing one can do is to celebrate oneness. Trickle up fashion’s celebration of oneness itself shouldn’t be mistaken for lack of individualism. Historically, trickle up revolutions like Punk, Hippie, Dravidian Self-Respect movement etc gave us new ideas that were individualistic, rebellious, liberating, experimental, and critical of tradition.

 

Lungi fashion installation by Purushu Arie

Trickle-up fashion installation by Purushu Arie

 

Trickle Across Fashion Theory

Mass production and mass communication has relatively democratisatised fashion. In the era of streetstyle and fashion influencers, fashion pundits give credence to trickle across fashion theory which states that fashion trends trickle down and trickle up simultaneously. In communication era, it is significant for a style to get social visibility through mediums like movies, pop culture, magazines etc for it to emerge as a trend. Despite the presence of democratic digital platforms, inclusivity still hasn’t reflected in power structures controlling fashion industry, and therefore, the inspirations continue to be largely elitist, urban, and white (or Brahminical in Indian context). Any attempt at drawing trickle up inspirations by such non-diverse white/Brahminical teams often leads to a case of cultural appropriation and theft with no representation of the community from whom the style/culture originated.

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Past, Present, & Future of Gender-Fluid Fashion & Clothing | TEDxChennai 2018

Lungi vs Vetti – Caste & Class Prejudice in Clothing of Thamizh Cinema

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A look at how caste & class dynamics influenced the portrayal of lungi & vetti in Thamizh cinema.

There is a stark contrast in portrayal of the lungi and vetti in Thamizh cinema. The white vetti-sattai has enjoyed the status of respectable traditional attire of Thamizh film protagonists for many decades. Whereas, the Thamizh film industry largely reduced lungi into untidy costumes of goons or for TASMAC dance sequences, thereby creating a stereotypical on-screen image for the garment. However, renowned filmmakers like Pa Ranjith, Vetrimaaran, & Mari Selvaraj have catalysed a paradigm shift in portrayal of lungis in Thamizh cinema. In the Thamizh blockbuster Karnan, the protagonist Dhanush is clad in an array of printed and checked lungis as he bravely revolts against the systematic oppression of caste. Actor Dhanush also popularised lungis in critically acclaimed films like Aadukalam, Vada Chennai and Asuran. The versatile wasit-wrap garment emerged as a raging style statement on the silver-screen when superstar Rajinikanth adorned black lungis in the movie Kaala. With the recent spotlight on lungi in Thamizh films, the humble garment is challenging the inherent caste & class prejudices.

Actor Dhanush wearing lungi in the film Karnan.

Actor Dhanush wearing lungi in the film Karnan.

Both lungi and vetti are traditional Thamizh cultural garments which evolved from keeladai – a waist-wrapped lower garment worn by Thamizh people well until medieval era. White vettis with decorative borders are prominent in Chozha murals which were restored by Telugu Nayaka rulers in the 16-17th century. Brahmins and other dominant non-Brahmin castes of Nayaka society wore panchakachcham & mulakachcham dhotis which were draped around the waist with pleats in front, passed in between the legs and tucked at back. People lower in caste hierarchy wore a vetti which was a rather short cloth simply tied around their waists in tube-silhouette without passing it between the legs. During the colonial era, zamindars and bureaucrats who worked under the British combined ankle-length white dhotis and vettis with British clothing like blazers, jackets, and long coats.

 

Statue of King Thirumala Nayaka wearing dhoti | 17th century, Madurai

Statue of King Thirumala Nayaka wearing dhoti | 17th century, Madurai

The white vetti which symbolised the fashion of dominant castes over the years emerged as the honourable attire of Thamizh man in 80-90s Kollywood films which also propagated caste pride and supremacy. Thalaivar Rajinikanth wore pristine vetti-sattai in the film Yejaman where he played a village chieftain. Action hero Vijaykanth infamously wore white vetti-sattai in Chinna Gounder where he played a village landlord. In the film Thevar Magan, a London-educated Sakthivel played by Kamal Haasan, goes on to trade his western shirts and trousers for white vetti-sattai when he inherits his father’s role of village chieftain. In the Mani Ratnam film Nayakan, Velu Naicker, the vigilante gangster from Dharavi wears white vetti-sattai. Pa Ranjith’s Kaala which is also set in Dharavi, goes on to reimagine the savarna gaze by dressing Rajinikanth in black lungi. In Mari Selvaraj’s Karnan, the elderly people who’re accustomed to the bullying of dominant castes wear vetti & thundu to dress on par with savarna supremacy. In contrary, the more rebellious youngsters of Puliyankulam are depicted in lungis – where the fabric symbolises their non-conformity to the established sartorial politics.

 

Superstar Rajinikanth wearing lungi in Kaala and vetti in Yejaman

Superstar Rajinikanth wearing lungi in Kaala and vetti in Yejaman

 

Lungi boasts of a far bigger global presence and a much older trade history than vettis. As early as the 12th century, Thamizh traders exported small checked scarves to Middle-East where it was known by the Persian word “Loonghi” – from which the modern term lungi was derived. Lungi, which is also known as “kaili” in Thamizh, was discovered by East India Company in the 17th century. Kaili was was popularly worn by Thamizh men, and was also cut up and made into tight-fitting bodices by Thamizh women. The checked kailis, exported as “Madras cotton” or “Madras checks” were among the most profitable textiles that were woven and exported from colonial India. Demand for lightweight & comfortable Madras cloth was so high in the West that the local European textile tycoons appealed to their governments to slow its import. Owing to the popularity of Madras checks, countries like Switzerland, Japan, and Korea manufactured “Imitation Madras” to which East India Company responded with “Real Madras Handkerchiefs” also known as RMHK. The Madras checks first reached the United States in the 18th century and later became a symbol of American luxury in the 1930s. Handkerchiefs & kailis were two main product lines of Madras cloth and by the 20th century, the demand for kaili surpassed the handkerchief counterpart, thereby resulting in the popularity of modern-day lungi. In 21st century, the lungi is a formal ceremonial wear in Myanmar. The waist-wrap garment is also popular across Islamic countries of middle-East, Africa, Bangladesh, Malaysia, and Indonesia, where Muslims wear lungis to the mosque – a garment in which they offer prayers.

In a striking contrast of perceptions, lungis are unwelcomed in many temples across India. Several movie halls, hotels, restaurants, and other elite spaces in India forbid wearing lungi. The clothing we wear is influenced by various socio-cultural factors including the caste and class structures. The positive portrayal of lungis in new-age Thamizh cinema is only a small but significant step in altering classist and casteist perceptions associated with clothing.

kaala lungi

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10 Tips for Young Fashion Design Students & Aspirants

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Fashion design aspirants and students have endless questions about what lies ahead. As someone who has worked in the fashion industry for almost a decade in various roles from designer to educator, I can confidently say that what lies ahead is ambiguity, doubts, stress, and many sleepless nights. Fashion thrives on change and the industry is changing at lightning speed in the era of digital communications. Social media has democratised the once exclusive and secretive world of fashion. With the surge of social media, the dialogues catalysing the global fashion industry are out there on the internet for everyone to access. With the rapid shift in perspective and approach, young fashion design professionals are required to adapt and embrace the changes that continue to change forever. Regardless of the paradigm shift, some fundamental values and principles remain constant. The following tips will guide the students aspiring/pursuing UG in fashion designing to build a solid foundation for vision, action, and innovation.

1. BUILD A PERSONALITY

Our school life comes with a uniform dress code for us to understand and celebrate oneness. College offers the freedom to experiment, evolve, and identify who we are. Be you, because everyone else is already taken. Be you, because that’s the most original you can get.

2. GOOD-BYE FASHION MAGAZINES, HELLO ARTS & CULTURE

Let’s face the music, fashion magazines of our era are loaded with advertised fluff. One of the best decisions I made early in my career was to skip reading fashion magazines and instead spend more time studying art history, global cultures, and arts. The inspirations you can derive from arts and cultural history are endless.

3. INSPIRATION IS EVERYWHERE

Nature is the mother of all inspirations. Look around. The beach, the road, the metro station, the bus, the people, the clothes they’re wearing, the language they’re speaking… anything and everything you relate to can be a source of design inspiration. Observation is such an underrated quality in this world where we are busy making noise, wanting to be heard.

 

4. HARDWORK + SMARTWORK

We hear varying opinions about what’s more important – hard work or smart work. Management skills combining arts and science are key for a successful fashion designer. The fashion industry will require you to combine and integrate both hard work and smart work.

 

5. JACK OF ALL TRADES, MASTER OF SOME

Being a fashion designer is to learn trend forecasting, marketing, merchandising, management, illustrations, design software, textiles, arts and crafts… and tailoring of course. Young fashion professionals need to acquire as many skills as possible and continue to develop new skills with time – never stop learning!

 

6. CONNECT

Networking is an absolute necessity to work and survive in the world of fashion. Start building a professional network right from your fashion college days. Work and build upon those relationships for both personal and professional growth.

 

7. THINK GLOCAL

Have a global vision without forgetting your roots.

 

8. DESIGN FOR DIFFERENT MARKET SEGMENTS, & IDENTIFY YOUR STRENGTH

There are various market segments like RTW, couture, mass fashion, bridal, etc. Experiment with different styles, clients, and target markets and figure out what suits you the best.

 

9. LEARN TO ACCEPT CRITICISM

Constructive criticism is instrumental to our growth. Learning to accept criticism is a vital part for any individual regardless of profession – given the criticism is honest & sincere, and not aimed at bringing down your spirit. You will face negative feedback, but don’t take it to heart.

 

10. EMBRACE CHANGE

Because the only constant thing is change.

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Influence of Caste in Clothing Through the Ages

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In March 2022, a scheduled caste man was killed for sporting a moustache. Scheduled caste men getting lynched and murdered for sporting a moustache isn’t any stray incident, but a recurring inhumane crime in Indian society. People belonging to Scheduled castes are assaulted for wearing sunglasses, scalped with a knife for wearing a turban, targeted for wearing “upper-caste” shoes… the list of violent crimes against Dalits for wearing clothing of their choice goes on and on. Historically, caste oppression found an expression through sartorial superiority. The savarna supremacy is threatened when the outcastes dress on par with twice-born castes. From wearing caste-specific wristbands in schools to caste-based mangalsutras and poonool/janeu in workplaces, clothing is a fundamental medium of caste oppression and identity in casteist Indian society.

 

The influence of the caste system on clothing and appearance can be traced back to several millenniums. Dharmasutras dating to the 1st millennium BCE document some of the earliest examples of varna and jati specific clothing. According to Manusmriti, the Chandala shall live outside the village; wear garments of the dead, and ornaments of black iron.

The clothes of dead bodies shall be their (Chandalas’) dress; they shall eat in broken dishes; their ornaments shall be of iron, and they shall be constantly wandering.

– Manusmriti 10.52

As guidelines for Upanayana, Dharmasutras state that the skins of black antelopes, spotted deer, and he-goats shall be worn by Brahmin, Kshatriya, & Vaisya respectively for covering the upper body. The janeu worn over shoulders should be made of cotton for the Brahmin, hemp for Kshatriya, and wool for Vaisya.

For the Kṣatriya, dyed in Mañjiṣṭhā; for the Vaiśya, dyed in Haridrā; for the Brāhmaṇa, the skin of the white or black deer; for the Kṣatriya, the skin of the spotted deer; for the Vaiśya, the skin of the goat; the sheep-skin for all castes; as also the woollen cloth; if the student is desirous of Brāhmic glory, he should wear the skins alone; if desirous of Kṣattric glory, he should wear the cloths alone; if desirous of both kinds of glory, he should wear both.

– Āpastamba-Dharmasūtra, 1.3.1-9

In Chozha sculptures dating to the early medieval era, Shaivite Nayanmars of Brahmin castes like Sambandhar, Sundharar, and Manikkavasagar are depicted wearing the janeu/poonool – a marker of varna which is absent among sculptures of non-Brahmin Nayanmar saints like Kannappar of Vyadha (hunter) caste or Appar (Thirunavukkarasar) of Vellalar community.

Appar & Manikkavasagar - Chola Bronze, 12th century CE

12th Century Chozha bronze depicting Manikkavasagar (right) with caste-marker thread & Appar (left) without one.

However, saint Nandhanar, a Pulayar (an untouchable caste), is depicted wearing the poonool/janeu in visual arts. Thiruthondar Thogai, an 8th-century compilation listing Saiva sect Nayanars, makes a one-line reference to Nandhanar (also known as Thirunaalaippovar,) as one of the Nayanars who was longing to enter the temple. 11th-century Thamizh Saivite text Thiruthondar Thiruvanthathi states that Thirunaalaippovar was a Pulayar, an outcaste by birth, who sought access to the Shivaloganathar temple in Thiruppungur and the Nataraja temple in Chidambaram. The Periya Puranam (12th century CE), composed several centuries after the time of Nandhanar appropriates the protest of Nandhanar by adding that he gains access to temple worship only after his caste-oppressed Pulaya body is ‘purified’ by the sacrificial fire, and he reappeared like a Brahmin sage from the fire, wearing matted hair and poonool across his chest. The Periya Puranam account of Nandhanar reinforces the supremacy of wearing poonool/janeu while leaving the ban of Pulayars in the temple unchallenged. Dr BR Ambedkar dedicated his book The Untouchables (1948), to three Dalit saints, including Nandhanar.

Nandhanar Nayanmar - depicted with poonool and matted hair | Image: British Museum

Nandhanar Nayanmar – a Pulayar appropriated by Brahmin priesthood with poonool and matted hair | Image: British Museum

Guru Nanak (1469-1539), the founder of Sikhism refused to wear the janeu citing it was discriminatory towards castes lower in the varna hierarchy, denounced the varna system, and preached equality regardless of caste or gender. In the modern era, the poonool is worn by some Shudra castes and astrologers of certain Dalit communities too – this trickledown trend aping the lifestyle of dominant castes arise from the ambition to move up the caste ladder and only reaffirms the prevalent ritualistic authority of the janeu.

 

By the medieval period, the number of sub-castes multiplied and clothing developed a complex relationship with caste. Nairs dressed differently from Namboothiri Brahmins. Queen of Travancore dressed differently from Maharani from Rajputana. Peshwa rulers dressed differently from Marathas. Ashrafs dressed differently from Muslims who were local converts. People of oppressed castes dressed scantily for centuries, while the oppressors were often chiefly bejewelled. Thanda Pulayans were a sub-caste of Pulayans who lived in South Malabar and Cochin. Their name is derived from the lower garment worn by the females, which was made of the leaves of sedge, called Thanda. Thanda leaves are woven and tied around the waist to hang down below the knees. Married Thanda Pulayan women wore a thaali (mangalsutra) made of a piece of a conch shell.

Thanda Pulayan woman wearing sedge leaves

Thanda Pulayan woman wearing sedge leaves

Thanda Pulayans like many other untouchable castes were destitute of upper-body covering. It was considered disrespectful for a person to cover their upper body in the presence of higher people in the caste hierarchy. In the book “A Voyage to the East Indies” published in 1772, Grose of East India Company mentions that a woman who lived in a European settlement for some time and conformed to the European fashion had continued the concealment of her breasts in presence of the Queen of Attinga. The queen who herself was bare-breasted, ordered the woman’s breasts to be cut off for daring to appear before her with such a mark of disrespect to the established manners of the country.

Nieuhof's audience with the "Queen of Koylang" (1662).

Nieuhof’s audience with the “Queen of Koylang” (1662).

Indian people left their upper body bare for most of their clothing history; however, this practice changed after the influx of Islamic and European clothing ideals. The aristocrats, wealthy merchants, and bureaucrats who directly worked under Europeans were the earliest to adopt Western clothing and fashion trends. By the 19th century, the practice of covering the upper body became a status symbol among the dominant castes in the Kingdom of Travancore and women of backward & untouchable castes were prohibited from covering their upper body in public. Only Brahmin men & women who enjoyed the supreme status in the varna hierarchy were allowed to cover their upper body at all times. Even women of other dominant castes like Nair who covered their upper body had to keep their breasts bare in presence of Brahmins. The Brahminical kingdom of Travancore imposed Mulakkaram/breast tax on the women of Nadar, Ezhavar and other marginalised castes if they covered their breasts. Nangeli, an Ezhava woman who lived in the early 19th century in the princely state of Travancore protested the caste-based breast tax by cutting off her breasts. Today, the village Nangeli comes from is called Mulachhipuram or the land of the woman with breasts, honouring Nangeli’s protest and sacrifice.

Artist Murali T's painting depicting Nangeli's protest & sacrifice.

Artist Murali T’s painting depicts Nangeli’s protest & sacrifice.

A series of resistance movements from 1813 to 1859 known as the Channar Revolt was led by Nadar women for their right to cover the upper body. In 1813, Christian Nadar women successfully campaigned for their right to cover their breasts with the kuppayam, a type of long-sleeved blouse worn by Syrian Christians and Mappila Muslims. Nadar women were still forbidden to wear garments resembling the styles worn by Nair or Namboothiri women. Violence against Nadar women continued to prevail for exercising their right to cover the torso.

“some converted Christian women were stripped of even the undergarments and were forced to parade in the public. Numberless instances of molesting, houses set on fire, and physical attacks worsened the living conditions of the converted Christians” (Rajan 2020: 25).

The Channar revolt turned violent in 1859 when Travancore officials tied two Nadar women with rope and hung them from a tree in public for covering their breasts. Following violent protests, the king issued a proclamation allowing Nadar women to cover their upper body in styles that doesn’t resemble the clothing worn by women of dominant castes.

 

The Brahminical kingdom of Travancore imposed various taxes specific to clothing and appearance, particularly on the marginalised communities. Meesha kazhcha was a cess levied on the backward and Dalit castes for growing moustaches. Meniponnu was a tax imposed upon the Ezhava & Vannar communities for wearing golden ornaments. Kodapirathi bore similarities to Meniponnu where individuals lower in the caste hierarchy had to pay taxes for wearing silver ornaments. Women of Pulayar castes wore Kallumala – a chain of stone beads made of carved granite that symbolised their caste status. Perinad Mutiny or Kallumala Samaram (stone necklace protest) that took place on 24 October 1915 was a massive social agitation led by the Pulayar community for their right to dress with dignity and break free from the chains of caste markers. The protest was amplified by Mahatma Ayyankali who held a historical meeting in Kollam and called upon Pulayar women to wear blouses and give up the kallumala which symbolised their slavery. Pulaya women cut & threw away the Kallumala to assert their right to cover the upper body and wear metal ornaments. The Breast Tax (Mulakkaram in Malayalam) prohibiting women of marginalised castes from covering their upper body continued to prevail in the Kingdom of Travancore until it was abolished in 1924.

Sartorial inequality - (Left) Clothing of Brahmin family in Kerala, 1902 vs (right) clothing of Pulaya couple, 1909

Sartorial inequality – (Left) Clothing of Brahmin family in Kerala, 1902 vs (right) clothing of Pulaya couple, 1909

In the revolutionary text “Annihilation of Caste” published in 1936, Dr BR Ambedkar cites several examples of the manifestation of caste through clothing and attire. Dr Ambedkar writes, “Under the rule of the Peshwas in the Maratha country, the untouchable was not allowed to use the public streets if a Hindu was coming along, lest he should pollute the Hindu by his shadow. The untouchable was required to have a black thread either on his wrist or around his neck, as a sign or a mark to prevent the Hindus from getting themselves polluted by his touch by mistake. In Poona, the capital of the Peshwa, the untouchable was required to carry, strung from his waist, a broom to sweep away from behind himself the dust he trod on, lest a Hindu walking on the same dust should be polluted. In Poona, the untouchable was required to carry an earthen pot hung around his neck wherever he went—for holding his spit, lest his spit falling on the earth should pollute a Hindu who might unknowingly happen to tread on it.” Babasaheb also mentions the tyranny practised by caste-Hindus upon the Balais, a Dalit community in central India. Dr Ambedkar comments, “Balais must not wear gold-lace-bordered pugrees. They must not wear dhotis with coloured or fancy borders. Balai women must not wear gold or silver ornaments; they must not wear fancy gowns or jackets. If the Balais do not agree to abide by these terms, they must clear out of the villages.” In the same essay, Babasaheb mentions another instance where the Sonars wore dhotis with folds and used the word namaskar for salutation. Dr Ambedkar states that “Both the folded way of wearing the “dhoti” and the namaskar were special to the Brahmins. The Brahmins did not like this imitation and this attempt by Sonars to pass off as Brahmins. Under the authority of the Peshwas, the Brahmins successfully put down this attempt on the part of the Sonars to adopt the ways of the Brahmins. They even got the President of the Councils of the East India Company’s settlement in Bombay to issue a prohibitory order against the Sonars residing in Bombay.”

A still from the movie Shudra - The Rising, depicting the clothing of untouchables in Poona. In the Peshwe capital of Poona, the outcastes/avarnas were required to tie a broom to their waist and carry an earthen pot hung from their neck

A still from the movie Shudra – The Rising, depicts the clothing of untouchables in Poona. In the Peshwe capital of Poona, the outcastes/avarnas were required to tie a broom to their waist and carry an earthen pot hung from their neck.

In Tamil Nadu, Periyar EV Ramasamy and members of Dravidar Kazhagam infamously wore black shirts to protest Brahminical hegemony and the superstitions prevalent in Thamizh society. According to ancient Sanskrit literature, the colour white represents “sattva” or purity whereas black is related to “tamas” denoting qualities like ignorance, dullness, and greed. Several verses of Rig Veda identifies white as the colour of Arya whereas black is associated with Dasas and Dasyus – the antithesis of Arya. According to Mahabharata, sage Bhrigu codified varnas in form of colours where Brahmin was white, Kshatriya was red, Vaishya was yellow, and the Shudra was black. In visual arts of the modern era, asuras are almost always depicted through black or dark skin. The colour black evolved to be associated with various superstitions and was widely considered inauspicious in Tamil Nadu. In 1946, Thanthai Periyar called for his party members to wear black shirts which became a ubiquitous style statement of the Dravidian self-respect movement.

Thanthai Periyar dressed in black shirt & shawl

Thanthai Periyar dressed in a black shirt & shawl

Periyar and members of Dravidar Kazhagam also used thundu as a symbol to fight casteism. Thundu, a towel worn by men on shoulders was characterised by caste-specific rules. It wasn’t acceptable for backward castes and outcastes to wear thundu on their shoulders in presence of people of dominant castes. They had to either tie the thundu on the waist or tuck it under the armpits. In contrast, Brahmins and aristocrats covered their shoulders with angavasthram –a silk or cotton shawl featuring ornamental borders made of zari or brocade. In the 1940s, Periyar attended an event where a group of musicians were performing. The artist playing Nadhaswaram was using a towel to wipe his sweaty forehead. After some time, he got tired of constantly picking up the towel and placed it on his shoulder for the sake of convenience. In those days, Nadhaswaram artists who were lower in the caste hierarchy were prohibited from wearing even shirts and had to perform bare-chested in public. The dominant caste patron of the event was outraged by the nadhaswaram artist’s act of placing the towel on the shoulder and ordering them to remove it immediately. Periyar condemned the incident and thereafter wore thundu as a protest against the manifestation of caste in clothing.

Kalaignar Karunanidhi (left) & MGR (right) wearing “thundu” – The Dravidian political iconography of protest against casteism & elitism. Image: Frontline & Outlook

Kalaignar Karunanidhi (left) & MGR (right) wearing “thundu” – The Dravidian political iconography of protest against casteism & elitism. Image: Frontline & Outlook

Thanthai Periyar who devoted his life to the principles of rationalism, self-respect, women’s rights, and eradication of caste, also condemned the wedding ritual of tying thaali/mangalsutra which he correlated with casteism and patriarchy. To date, the thaali remains a popularly worn caste-marker designed exclusively according to one’s caste identity.

Casually wearing casteism - Thaali/Mangalsutra designed according to one's caste identity.

Casually wearing casteism – Thaali/Mangalsutra is designed according to one’s caste identity.

In the 21st century, white vetti-sattai has garnered the status of the respectable formal traditional attire of Thamizh men. The ankle-length white vetti itself isn’t prominent in the sculptures and fresco paintings of medieval Chozhas. However, white vetti featuring decorative borders worn in panchakachcham & mulakachcham style mark their arrival in Chozha murals which were restored by Telugu Nayaka rulers in the 16-17th century. Brahmins in Nayaka society wore panchakachcham dhoti where 18-feet fabric is draped around the waist with pleats in front and then the front pleats are passed in between the legs and tucked at back. Mulakachcham was a more simplified style of draping panchakachcham and was worn by Brahmins as well as other dominant non-Brahmin castes. Some Shudras who wore mulakachcham for wedding ceremonies called it kilpachchi. People lower in caste hierarchy wore vetti which was a rather short cloth simply tied around their waists in a tube-silhouette without passing it between the legs. A similar tubular waist-wrap lower garment known as mundu was also worn by people in Kerala, but the Namboothiri Brahmins & Nairs distinguished their mundu from that of oppressed castes with ornamental stripes on the border. During the colonial era, zamindars and bureaucrats who worked under the British combined ankle-length white dhotis and vettis with British clothing like blazers, jackets, and long coats. The ankle-length white vetti which symbolised the fashion of dominant castes over the years emerged as the honourable attire of Thamizh man in 80-90s Kollywood films which also propagated caste pride and supremacy. Thalaivar Rajinikanth wore pristine vetti-sattai in the film Yejaman where he played a village chieftain. Action hero Vijaykanth infamously wore white vetti-sattai in Chinna Gounder where he played a village landlord. Actor Sarathkumar donned the white vetti for the role of a village chief in the film Nattamai. Sarathkumar also sported the vetti-sattai look for the character Sakthivel Gounder in Suryavamsam. In the film, Thevar Magan, a London-educated Sakthivel played by Kamal Haasan, goes on to trade his western shirts and trousers for white vetti-sattai when he inherits his father’s role as the village chieftain. In the Mani Ratnam film Nayakan, actor Kamal Haasan sports the head-to-toe white vetti-sattai look for the character Velu Naicker, the vigilante gangster from Dharavi.

Actor Kamal Haasan wearing white vetti in the caste-pride themed film - Thevar Magan.

Actor Kamal Haasan wearing white vetti in the caste-pride themed film – Thevar Magan.

Unlike the white vetti, the checked lungi is subjected to taboo and stigma in several Thamizh movies despite the style having wider global recognition and trade history. In Thamizh films, lungis are often reduced to untidy costumes of goons or TASMAC dance sequences, thereby creating a stereotypical on-screen image for the garment. In India, many movie halls, hotels, restaurants, and other elite spaces forbid wearing lungis. Lungi is unwelcomed in many temples across Tamil Nadu. In 2018, a local court in the Kishanganj district in Bihar issued a notice banning lungis on the court premises. The order was later overturned following public fury. In 2019, under the amended Motor Vehicles Act, the Uttar Pradesh government imposed a fine of Rs 2,000 if truck drivers & their helpers were found wearing lungis.

Read: Lungi vs Vetti – Caste & Class Prejudice in the Clothing of Thamizh Cinema

Lungi discrimination

Image: Firstpost

 

A casteist & classist announcement forbidding lungi inside theatre at Idreams Cinemas, Royapuram. Image: Ilyas Muhammed Raffiudeen

A casteist & classist announcement forbidding lungi inside the theatre at Idreams Cinemas, Royapuram. Image: Ilyas Muhammed Raffiudeen

The checked lungi is as much of a swadeshi iconography as khadi is. Yet, wearing the lungi is frequently subjected to intolerance and prejudice. The politics of swadeshi is characterised by the very desi spirit of varnashrama. When MK Gandhi traded his western attire for the loincloth, it was about a twice-born man benefitting from caste & class-based discrimination rather than opposing it. The loincloth is a symbol of oppression that outcastes were forced into, whereas for Gandhi, it was a choice entitled by caste & caste privilege. The loincloth was neither a choice nor an aspiration for people oppressed by caste – it simply did not provide any upward mobility for the outcastes. At its worst, Gandhi’s loincloth was an appropriation of poverty and misery that reduced historical oppression into a style statement. Subjugation faced by India’s marginalised castes wasn’t merely videshi, it was swadeshi too – it was brahminical.

MK Gandhi who was born into caste & class privilege goes on to appropriate poverty and reduce the misery of India's marginalised people into a political style statement

MK Gandhi who was born into caste & class privilege goes on to appropriate poverty and reduce the misery of India’s marginalised people into a political style statement

Unlike Gandhi, Dr BR Ambedkar found his sartorial inspiration outside the varnashrama society. Dr Ambedkar’s blue three-piece suit not only symbolised progress and prosperity but liberation from the swadeshi system of caste. His revolutionary style statement challenged the historical norms of what a Dalit could or could not wear. The blue three-piece suit symbolised a movement away from archaic traditions toward modern casteless society.

Dr Ambedkar dressed in coat-suit

Dr Ambedkar dressed in coat-suit

 

 

The cycle of caste oppression

The cycle of caste oppression

Alex Scott-Samuel, a lecturer in public health at the University of Liverpool, UK stated that social inequalities like gender oppression are produced and sustained through gendered socialisation and norms. Casteism is produced, reproduced, and perpetuated in a similar cyclic pattern. In a casteist society, prevalent norms of brahminical patriarchy result in casteist socialisation which contributes to power inequalities leading to social inequalities which socially reproduces brahminical patriarchy. The chain of oppression is no stronger than its weakest link. Casteist socialisation is the weak-link binding the chains of caste oppression. Caste markers are very casually but deeply embedded in our everyday clothing and other socialisation norms. It is imperative to do away with all forms of casteist socialisation for the annihilation of caste.

 

Educate, agitate, and organise. – Dr B R Ambedkar

 

Read: Caste, Clothing, and The Bias Cut

 

Disclaimer: All of the above images are sourced from WikiCommons unless mentioned otherwise.

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Purushu Arie’s Sustainable Fashion Affordability Paradox Loop

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Purushu Arie’s Sustainable Fashion Affordability Paradox Loop is a framework that illustrates a critical cycle in the fashion industry:
Without socio-economic equality, ethical production practices inherently raise product prices, making them unaffordable for the masses. This creates a self-reinforcing loop where the majority is forced towards more affordable, unsustainable fast fashion consumption. Due to the affordability paradox loop, socio-economic equality is a prerequisite for achieving true sustainability in fashion.

Abstract

Without socio-economic equality, ethical production practices designed to promote environmental and social responsibility simultaneously increase product costs, making sustainable fashion unaffordable for most consumers. This results in a self-reinforcing loop where socio-economic inequality drives low-income groups toward cheap, unsustainable fast fashion, perpetuating environmental degradation and labor exploitation. The paradox loop illustrates how inaccessibility of what is marketed as sustainable fashion, reinforces the very consumption patterns it seeks to change. Breaking this cycle is essential to fostering systemic change. Addressing underlying socio-economic inequalities is foundational to democratising access to ethical fashion and enabling sustainable consumption across all income levels.

Introduction

The fashion industry, one of the most resource-intensive sectors globally, is a significant contributor to environmental degradation, waste, and socio-economic disparity (Gwilt & Rissanen, 2011; Fletcher & Tham, 2014). In response to these challenges, sustainable fashion has emerged as a movement aimed at reconciling aesthetic appeal with ethical responsibility (Fletcher, 2014; Muthu, 2018). However, the ethical production practices designed to mitigate harm often render sustainable products inaccessible to the majority of consumers (Cline, 2012; Bick, Halsey, & Ekenga, 2018).

Fair Practices Raise Prices

Ethical fashion relies on fair wages, better labor conditions, and eco-friendly materials, which elevate production costs. These practices, while essential for reducing exploitation and environmental harm, contribute to the pricing disparity between sustainable and fast fashion.

Fair wages: The move toward equitable labor compensation significantly increases operational expenses, especially in regions where fast fashion production thrives on low-wage economies (Kara, 2018; Rosen & Yip, 2015).
Eco-friendly materials: Sourcing organic and recycled textiles is more expensive than using conventional materials, with higher initial costs reflecting stricter standards and certifications (Gwilt & Rissanen, 2011; Goworek & McGoldrick, 2017).
Production methods: Ethical practices such as localised manufacturing or slow fashion require greater investments in infrastructure and quality control, adding further layers of cost (Niinimäki, 2017; Holmes & Ward, 2017).

Studies reveal that price remains a leading determinant in consumer purchasing decisions, with affordability being a key barrier to adopting sustainable fashion (Joy et al., 2012; Gould & Watkins, 2019).

Socio-Economic Inequality Drives Fast Fashion

The global economy’s deep socio-economic inequalities limit access to ethical fashion for large segments of the population. Lower-income consumers often prioritise immediate affordability, turning to fast fashion brands that cater to these financial constraints.

Low production costs: Fast fashion brands rely on economies of scale, mass production techniques, and exploitatively low wages to produce garments cheaply (Bick, Halsey, & Ekenga, 2018; Elliott, 2018).
Consumer culture: The rise of disposable fashion reflects a broader societal emphasis on instant gratification and low-cost trends, reinforcing unsustainable practices (Black, 2012; Joy et al., 2012).
Accessibility gap: Socio-economic disparities leave many consumers without viable alternatives to unsustainable options, perpetuating a cycle of overconsumption and waste (Barnes, 2015; Muthu, 2018).

Empirical evidence demonstrates that addressing these income disparities is crucial for disrupting the dominance of fast fashion (Rosen & Yip, 2015; Kim, 2019).

The Sustainable Fashion Paradox Loop

The paradox at the heart of Purushu Arie’s Sustainable Fashion Affordability Loop lies in the tension between the ethical production practices necessary for sustainability and the socio-economic inequalities that render these practices inaccessible to the majority. While ethical fashion aims to address social and environmental harm, its higher costs – driven by fair wages and eco-friendly processes – push it beyond the reach of those most in need of its benefits. This dynamic creates a self-reinforcing loop: sustainable fashion’s affordability barrier forces lower-income consumers to continue relying on fast fashion, which perpetuates environmental degradation and labor exploitation. Consequently, sustainable fashion, while promoting positive change, inadvertently sustains the very consumption patterns it seeks to challenge. The contradiction is that true sustainability in fashion cannot be achieved without addressing the underlying socio-economic disparities that make ethical fashion a luxury, not a universal right.

Socio-economic inequality will continue to sustain demand for fast fashion, undermining ecological and social advancements (Fletcher & Tham, 2014; Kara, 2018). As such, the intersection of affordability, accessibility, and ethical production lies at the heart of the sustainable fashion dilemma (Horne & Gough, 2014; Goworek & McGoldrick, 2017).

Long-Term Sustainability Requires Addressing Inequality

To disrupt the Sustainable Fashion Affordability Paradox Loop, systemic changes are needed at multiple levels:

1. Economic policy interventions: Governments should offer subsidies or tax incentives to ethical brands, lowering production costs and enhancing affordability for consumers (Niinimäki, 2017; Horne & Gough, 2014).
2. Consumer education: Awareness campaigns emphasizing the environmental and social costs of fast fashion can influence consumer behavior, encouraging shifts toward sustainability (Cline, 2012; Black, 2012).
3. Corporate accountability: Larger fashion companies must embrace economies of scale to reduce the cost differential between sustainable and fast fashion (Kara, 2018; Fletcher, 2014).
4. Innovative production models: Emphasising circular economies, co-operative frameworks, or repairable goods can lower costs while supporting sustainability (Gwilt & Rissanen, 2011; Goworek & McGoldrick, 2017).

Breaking this loop will require coordinated efforts across public, private, and consumer domains, ensuring that ethical fashion is no longer a luxury but an accessible necessity (Elliott, 2018; Holmes & Ward, 2017).

Conclusion

Purushu Arie’s Sustainable Fashion Affordability Paradox Loop illustrates how the higher costs of ethical production, driven by socio-economic inequality, create a self-reinforcing cycle that perpetuates unsustainable consumption in the fashion industry. While ethical production is crucial for sustainability, its benefits will remain limited unless structural inequalities are addressed. Achieving true sustainability requires ensuring equitable access to affordable ethical products for all consumers. By tackling socio-economic disparities and promoting inclusive policies, sustainable fashion can evolve from an idealistic concept into a practical solution that is accessible to everyone (Fletcher, 2014; Boström & Klintman, 2018).

References

1. Fletcher, K. (2014). Sustainable Fashion and Textiles: Design Journeys, Earthscan.

2. Gwilt, A., & Rissanen, T. (2011). Shaping Sustainable Fashion: Changing the Way We Make and Use Clothes, Earthscan.

3. Bick, R., Halsey, E., & Ekenga, C. K. (2018). The global environmental injustice of fast fashion, Environmental Health, 17(1), 92.

4. Cline, E. L. (2012). Overdressed: The Shockingly High Cost of Cheap Fashion, Portfolio.

5. Joy, A., Sherry, J. F., Venkatesh, A., Wang, J., & Chan, R. (2012). Fast Fashion, Sustainability, and the Ethical Appeal of Luxury Brands, Fashion Theory, 16(3), 273-295.

6. Black, S. (2012). The Sustainable Fashion Handbook. Thames & Hudson.

7. Niinimäki, K. (2017). Sustainable Fashion in a Circular Economy, Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

8. Barnes, L. (2015). Fashion and Sustainability: Design for Change, Laurence King Publishing.

9. Muthu, S. S. (2018). Sustainability in Fashion: A Cradle to Cradle Approach, Springer.

10. Kara, S. (2018). The Ethical Fashion Paradox: Sustainability in the Global Fashion Industry, Springer.

11. Fletcher, K., & Tham, M. (2014). Fashion and Sustainability: Understanding the Fashion Industry’s Impact on the Environment, Routledge.

12. Boström, M., & Klintman, M. (2018). Sustainability and the Global Fashion Industry: Social and Environmental Challenges, Springer.

13. Elliott, A. (2018). The Globalization of the Fashion Industry: A Critical Analysis, Oxford University Press.

14. Rosen, J., & Yip, A. (2015). The Fashion Industry and the Economy: The Impact of Globalization, Routledge.

15. Gould, S. J., & Watkins, K. (2019). Addressing the Sustainability Gap in Fashion, Cambridge University Press.

16. Horne, R. E., & Gough, T. (2014). The Challenge of Sustainability in Fashion, Harvard University Press.

17. Kim, A. (2019). Ethical Fashion in a Globalized World, MIT Press.

18. Holmes, L., & Ward, S. (2017). Global Fast Fashion and Consumerism: A Study of Economic Drivers, Taylor & Francis.

19. Goworek, H., & McGoldrick, P. (2017). Sustainable Clothing Consumption: A review of research and policy, Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management, 21(4), 434-447.

The post Purushu Arie’s Sustainable Fashion Affordability Paradox Loop appeared first on Purushu Arie: Tamil Street Style.

Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence (PASS)

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The Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence (PASS) framework prioritises sustainability as a sequential process: systemic (primary), structural (secondary), and personal (tertiary).

At the systemic tier (primary), foundational priorities – such as policy reforms and economic restructuring – create the prerequisite conditions for structural changes to take root. These structural changes (secondary) influence industries and institutions to adopt sustainable practices, forming the groundwork for meaningful personal actions (tertiary), such as shifts in consumer behaviour or lifestyle choices.

By integrating these layers in a systematic sequence, the PASS framework redefines how individuals, organisations, and systems can collectively drive meaningful and enduring change. Rather than treating the challenges of sustainability as simultaneous, the PASS framework approaches them sequentially. It recognises that addressing systemic barriers first creates the foundational conditions necessary for structural and personal actions to thrive, thereby ensuring that subsequent efforts are more impactful and sustainable. This approach acknowledges that true sustainability can only be achieved when foundational shifts in systems are realised first, creating a strong foundation for further progress.

Introduction

Sustainability is often defined through three interconnected dimensions: environmental, social, and economic. Achieving a truly comprehensive and impactful approach to sustainability, however, requires more than addressing these dimensions in isolation.

Most current sustainability models, such as the Triple Bottom Line (TBL) and Circular Economy, treat actions and priorities as simultaneous rather than sequential. These models acknowledge the interrelatedness of the environmental, economic, and social dimensions of sustainability, but often fail to address the need for a clear sequence in which actions should be implemented. For instance, the Triple Bottom Line, proposed by Elkington (1997), encourages simultaneous attention to economic, social, and environmental factors without a prioritised order. Similarly, Circular Economy models advocate for systemic changes like recycling and resource efficiency alongside economic and social innovations, but do not suggest a structured sequence of actions (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2013). While these models provide valuable frameworks for sustainability, they do not necessarily account for the complexities that emerge when systemic reforms, structural changes, and personal actions are treated as parallel rather than sequential.

Complexities of Treating Systemic Reforms, Structural Changes, and Personal Actions as Parallel Processes

Addressing large-scale societal issues often involves a combination of systemic reforms, structural changes, and individual actions. While these components are essential, treating them as parallel processes rather than sequential efforts can introduce significant complexities that hinder progress.

Dilution of Focus and Resources

Simultaneous efforts across all levels can dilute focus and strain resources. Systemic reforms, requiring long-term planning and execution, may compete with individual and structural initiatives for attention and funding. This fragmented approach can result in inefficiencies and suboptimal outcomes, as seen in the fragmented strategies for achieving climate goals (Geissdoerfer et al., 2017).

Contradictory Goals and Fragmentation

Systemic reforms and personal actions often have divergent timelines and objectives, creating contradictions in efforts. For instance, while structural changes might focus on developing sustainable infrastructure, individual actions might emphasise short-term solutions like reducing personal waste. This misalignment can hinder progress by creating friction between stakeholders, as observed in the disconnect between grassroots initiatives and global policy frameworks (Meadows, 2008).

Accountability and Responsibility Challenges

When all levels of action are pursued in parallel, accountability becomes fragmented. Governments and corporations may shift blame to individuals for insufficient personal actions, while individuals critique systemic inertia. This “blame game” not only slows progress but also erodes public trust, making collective action more challenging (Porter & Kramer, 2011).

Inequities in Outcomes

Parallel approaches risk exacerbating social inequities. Personal actions often rely on individual resources – such as wealth, time, and knowledge – which are unequally distributed. Structural changes and systemic reforms, if not prioritised, fail to address these underlying inequities, as seen in cases where sustainable initiatives disproportionately benefit privileged groups (Raworth, 2017).

Slower Momentum for Systemic Change

Efforts at systemic reform can lose urgency when personal actions create a false impression of sufficient progress. This phenomenon is particularly evident in sustainability movements, where individual actions like recycling are celebrated but fail to address systemic issues like industrial waste management (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2013). Such misaligned timelines and narratives can stall broader reform efforts.

Psychological and Social Impacts

The emphasis on personal responsibility, without clear systemic support, can lead to individual burnout and apathy. Overwhelmed by the scale of issues, many individuals disengage from action altogether, further complicating efforts for collective change. Moreover, a lack of clarity on the sequence of actions can deepen polarization among stakeholders, as seen in debates surrounding climate justice and energy equity (Heffron & McCauley, 2018).

Treating systemic reforms, structural changes, and personal actions as parallel rather than sequential processes risks inefficiency, misalignment, and inequity.

In contrast, the PASS framework emphasises the foundational priority of addressing systemic inequities first, recognising that systemic reforms create the necessary conditions for effective structural changes and personal actions. By tackling systemic issues, the framework reinforces and enables the subsequent implementation of structural reforms, which in turn empower personal actions to drive meaningful, long-term sustainability. By building on established models like the Triple Bottom Line and Circular Economy, the PASS framework offers a more holistic and actionable roadmap that goes beyond simultaneous action, positioning long-term systemic change as the critical starting point.

Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence (PASS)

The Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence (PASS) is structured into three interconnected steps: systemic (primary), structural (secondary), and personal (tertiary). Each step represents a critical stage of influence, where changes at one step enable and reinforce the next, creating a cohesive pathway for sustainable development.

1. Systemic Priorities (Primary: The Essential Prerequisites for Sustainability)

Systemic priorities form the foundational step in achieving sustainability, addressing deep-rooted societal inequalities and economic imbalances that hinder sustainable practices. These priorities include equitable policies, governance reforms, and wealth redistribution – critical changes that lay the groundwork for effective structural and personal actions. By addressing the root causes of environmental and social challenges, systemic change creates a ripple effect, setting the stage for long-term sustainability.

For instance, policies that prioritise renewable energy funding can reduce the cost of eco-conscious products, making them more accessible and driving their widespread adoption. Such systemic changes not only influence industries but also empower individuals by creating the conditions for eco-conscious consumption to thrive.

Addressing systemic inequalities – such as unequal access to resources and power imbalances – is crucial for shifting unsustainable practices. Without these foundational changes, efforts to alter consumer behavior or industrial practices will likely fall short. As noted by Niinimäki (2017) and Muthu (2018), systemic issues like socio-economic inequality and resource distribution often perpetuate the over-exploitation of resources and marginalisation in global supply chains. To achieve substantial and enduring sustainability, these systemic issues must be addressed through governance reforms, social justice policies, and equitable resource distribution. Sachs (2012) reinforces this by stating that without addressing these systemic priorities first, changes at the structural and personal levels are unlikely to succeed.

2. Structural Priorities (Secondary: Implementing Sustainable Systems)

Structural priorities represent the next step in Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence, following the foundational systemic changes. These priorities focus on translating systemic reforms into actionable practices within both formal and informal institutional frameworks. They are crucial for making sustainability initiatives feasible, scalable, and operational within organisations, industries, and broader societal contexts.

Why Structural Priorities Follow Systemic Changes: Structural priorities depend on the foundational reforms established at the systemic level, such as policies, regulations, and economic shifts, to be effectively implemented. For example, industries’ commitments to reduce carbon emissions often rely on systemic measures like carbon pricing or renewable energy subsidies. Structural priorities bridge the gap between abstract policy reforms and practical applications, embedding these principles within industries and organisational practices. This transformation helps turn broad environmental goals into tangible outcomes.

Structural priorities involve both formal institutional reforms and informal collective actions. On the institutional side, these reforms include transitioning to circular economies, adopting sustainable manufacturing processes, and upholding ethical labour standards. On the other hand, grassroots movements and community-based initiatives complement these formal changes by spreading sustainability practices more widely. Together, these efforts ensure sustainability becomes operational across industries and communities.

A critical component of structural priorities is the shift towards a circular economy, where resource consumption is minimised through recycling, reuse, and sustainable sourcing (Fletcher, 2014). At this level, organisations must adopt eco-friendly materials, implement energy-efficient production processes, and strengthen corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives. Additionally, ensuring corporate transparency, fair treatment of workers, and equitable resource distribution in global supply chains are essential to ensure industries contribute positively to sustainable development (Cline, 2012; Zhan & Zhang, 2019). These actions help organisations operationalise sustainability and catalyse broader shifts towards responsible industry-wide practices (Geissdoerfer et al., 2017).

In summary, structural priorities are critical in moving sustainability from policy to practice. By translating systemic reforms into actionable steps within industries and organisations, these priorities are vital in driving large-scale, transformative change.

3. Personal Priorities (Tertiary: Adopting a Sustainable Lifestyle)

Personal priorities, the final step of Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence, focus on individual actions like conscious consumption, waste reduction, and lifestyle choices. While these actions are essential for driving sustainability, their effectiveness is amplified when supported by systemic and structural changes. As the tertiary component in the sequence, personal priorities build on the foundation laid by systemic and structural reforms to achieve their full potential.

Why Personal Actions Are Tertiary: Personal priorities are placed last in the sequence because their impact is limited without the foundational support from systemic and structural changes. For instance, consumers may wish to buy eco-friendly products, but their ability to make sustainable choices is often constrained by availability and affordability – factors shaped by systemic policies and structural frameworks. Personal actions gain greater momentum when embedded within an ecosystem of equity and feasibility established by prior levels.

While personal responsibility plays a crucial role in sustainability, it becomes meaningful only when reinforced by systemic and structural frameworks. Without the enabling environment created by these earlier levels, individual actions lack the scalability and long-term impact required for genuine change.

At the individual level, personal sustainability is reflected in conscious consumer choices and lifestyle changes, such as adopting resource-conserving behaviors, reducing waste, and improving energy efficiency (Joy et al., 2012). Consumers can also influence sustainability by choosing eco-friendly products, reducing overall consumption, and supporting companies that prioritize sustainable practices. These shifts in consumer demand can, in turn, push corporate practices and policy decisions towards greater sustainability (Cline, 2012).

Although personal actions alone cannot resolve broader systemic and structural challenges, they can accelerate change by signaling demand for more sustainable products and services. In this way, personal priorities complement systemic and structural reforms, providing the consumer-driven push that reinforces the broader momentum for sustainability (Cline, 2012; Joy et al., 2012).

Interdependence of Priorities in the Sequential Framework

The Purushu Arie’s Sequence of Sustainability integrates systemic, structural, and personal priorities into an interdependent framework where each step plays a critical role. Rather than ranking these steps hierarchically, the sequence highlights their interconnectedness and the importance of addressing priorities in a logical order. This interdependence creates a dynamic feedback loop where each level strengthens the others, fostering a scalable and holistic approach to sustainability (Meadows, 2008; Swyngedouw, 2005).

Systemic-Structural Linkages

Systemic priorities, such as equitable policies and economic restructuring, provide the foundation for structural changes. For instance, systemic interventions like carbon pricing encourage industries to adopt sustainable technologies, linking systemic frameworks with practical outcomes (Porter & Kramer, 2011).

Structural changes, in turn, validate systemic reforms by demonstrating their feasibility and effectiveness. This cyclical relationship reinforces the need for robust policies that drive sustainable development (Folke et al., 2010).

Structural-Personal Synergy  

Structural priorities bridge the gap between systemic reforms and individual actions. For example, transparent supply chains and ethical sourcing empower consumers to make informed choices (Bocken et al., 2016). As demand for sustainable products grows, industries scale up innovation, further reinforcing structural changes.

This synergy demonstrates how accessible and affordable eco-friendly options encourage individual adoption, creating a feedback loop that accelerates systemic and structural reforms.

Personal-Systemic Interactions

While personal actions are tertiary, they influence systemic change through collective consumer behaviour. For example, widespread demand for sustainable products can drive legislative changes, such as stricter environmental regulations or subsidies for renewable energy (Allen & Wright, 2013).

This mutual reinforcement ensures that systemic frameworks support sustainable behaviours while individual actions create public pressure for systemic reform. Ethical fashion movements exemplify this dynamic, where consumer demand has led to enhanced transparency and environmental standards (UN, 2015).

Balancing the Priorities

The interplay of systemic, structural, and personal priorities is essential for meaningful sustainability. Systemic reforms provide the foundation, structural changes translate them into actionable frameworks, and personal actions amplify their impact. This interdependence ensures that no priority operates in isolation.

Only through the combined efforts of all three levels can scalable and impactful sustainability be achieved (Elkington, 1997; UN, 2015).

Key Implications of the Sequence

The Purushu Arie Sustainability Sequence (PASS) framework redefines the path to sustainability by prioritising a structured and interconnected approach. Systemic reforms are positioned as the foundation of the sequence, recognising that meaningful sustainability begins with addressing the underlying inequities within institutions and social structures. Research highlights that systemic inequalities are significant barriers to sustainability, as they exacerbate resource exploitation and environmental degradation (Raworth, 2017). By tackling these inequities, the framework establishes an enabling environment where subsequent structural and personal actions can achieve greater impact. The sequential nature of the framework prevents the fragmentation of efforts, ensuring that foundational changes are in place before broader sustainability goals are pursued (Meadows, 2008).

Secondly, the sequence enhances resource allocation and impact by prioritising actions that yield the greatest leverage. Studies on leverage points in systems thinking suggest that directing resources to transformative interventions – such as policy reforms or institutional restructuring – creates ripple effects that improve sustainability outcomes at every level (Meadows, 1999). By aligning actions in a sequential order, the PASS framework avoids redundant or competing efforts, enabling a coordinated and scalable approach to sustainable development.

A third implication concerns the transition from symbolic to meaningful personal actions. Existing literature critiques the limited impact of individual behavioural changes when pursued in isolation, emphasising the need for systemic and structural support to amplify their effects (Shove, 2010). Within the PASS framework, personal actions are embedded within a larger context of systemic reforms, transforming individual behaviour into a cohesive demand for broader change. This approach aligns with findings that personal accountability becomes more impactful when linked to systemic enablers such as infrastructure and policy reforms (Stern, 2000).

Fourth, the framework challenges the hierarchical valuation of actions by emphasising their interdependence. Although the sequence prioritises systemic reforms, it does not diminish the importance of structural or personal actions. The interrelationship between these stages reflects broader sustainability models, such as the Triple Bottom Line, which advocate for balancing social, environmental, and economic dimensions (Elkington, 1997). PASS builds on this principle by illustrating how systemic reforms create the conditions for structural changes, which further empower personal actions, fostering a feedback loop that amplifies progress across all levels.

Finally, the framework advances equity and resilience by situating systemic reforms at the core of sustainability efforts. Addressing systemic inequities early in the sequence aligns with principles of just transition, which call for sustainability strategies that prioritise social justice and inclusivity (Heffron & McCauley, 2018). By embedding equity into its foundation, the PASS framework ensures that sustainability is not only environmentally robust but also socially transformative. This holistic approach fosters long-term resilience, recognising that inclusive systemic reforms are prerequisites for achieving meaningful and equitable sustainability outcomes.

Existing Frameworks in Sustainability

Sustainability frameworks address complex and multifaceted environmental, social, and economic challenges across industries. These models typically emphasise the interconnectedness of ecological, social, and economic factors, offering comprehensive approaches to sustainability. Notable frameworks include:

Triple Bottom Line (TBL)

Introduced by John Elkington (1997), the TBL highlights three key pillars: People, Planet, and Profit. It encourages organisations to evaluate their success not only financially but also in social and environmental terms.

Strengths: The TBL provides a holistic framework for corporate responsibility.

Limitations: It has been critiqued for fostering a “trade-off” mentality, whereby economic factors are often prioritised over social and environmental considerations (Meyer, 2009).

Circular Economy

Popularised by the Ellen MacArthur Foundation, the Circular Economy advocates for reducing, reusing, and recycling resources, promoting a closed-loop system (Geissdoerfer et al., 2017).

Strengths: This model challenges the traditional linear production model and seeks to minimise waste.

Limitations: The implementation of circular systems is constrained by technological, regulatory, and infrastructural challenges (Bocken et al., 2016).

Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

Adopted by the United Nations in 2015, the SDGs consist of 17 goals aimed at eradicating poverty, promoting equity, and protecting the environment by 2030 (United Nations, 2015).

Strengths: The SDGs offer a universally recognised framework with measurable targets for global sustainability.

Limitations: Criticism of the SDGs includes their broad scope, lack of enforceability, and insufficient attention to systemic inequalities (Sachs, 2012).

Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence: A Holistic Approach

Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence (PASS) refines existing frameworks by offering a multi-layered approach that foregrounds systemic inequality, integrates industry and governance reforms, and addresses personal actions within a sequenced process.

Key differences and improvements over existing models include:

Focus on Systemic Inequality

Unlike the TBL and SDGs, which often overlook the structural causes of sustainability challenges, PASS explicitly recognises economic inequality as a critical barrier to sustainable consumption (Niinimäki, 2017; Muthu, 2018).

Improvement: By addressing systemic inequality, PASS ensures that sustainability efforts are rooted in equity, making the model more inclusive and equitable.

Integration of Industry and Governance

While the Circular Economy focuses primarily on resource efficiency and product life cycle, PASS incorporates governance and industry reforms, including ethical labour practices, responsible sourcing, and sustainable production (Joy et al., 2012; Zhan & Zhang, 2019).

Improvement: This integration provides a more holistic approach, ensuring that sustainability is not only confined to product design but is embedded throughout the production process.

Layered Approach to Personal Impact

Many sustainability frameworks overemphasise the role of consumer behaviour (Cline, 2012). In contrast, PASS stresses that individual actions can only be meaningful when supported by broader systemic and structural reforms.

Improvement: The sequenced, layered approach ensures that individual efforts can lead to tangible change, as they are aligned with structural and systemic reforms.

Holistic and Interconnected Change  

PASS views sustainability as a dynamic, interconnected system, where progress in one domain (e.g., economic equity) catalyses advancements in others (e.g., environmental protection).

Improvement: This interconnected perspective ensures that sustainability initiatives work synergistically across sectors.

Conclusion

The Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence (PASS) framework offers a comprehensive and interconnected approach to achieving holistic sustainable development. By prioritising systemic reforms, such as policy changes and addressing economic inequality, it establishes the groundwork for structural shifts within industries and ensures that personal actions, like eco-conscious consumption, align with larger sustainability efforts.

Unlike existing models that often treat these priorities as isolated, simultaneous, or parallel, PASS frames them as a sequence where systemic priorities enable structural changes, which in turn facilitate personal actions. This progressive approach provides a clear and dynamic roadmap for scaling sustainability, connecting systemic, structural, and personal priorities into a unified pathway for long-term impact. In doing so, it paves the way for a more inclusive, equitable, and effective model of sustainable development.

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